scholarly journals “United Russia” as the Basic Institution of the Personalist Regime

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3 (27)) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
Yulia V. Popova
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
The Government ◽  
Basic Institution

This article describes the “United Russia” party as a party that appeared on the political horizon and reached the parliamentary Olympus thanks to the administrative and political support of the government. This party performs useful functions for the regime to control parliamentary activity, administrative elite, and neutralize the opposition. The political and electoral successes of the party, in particular, reflect the vicissitudes of political support and political choice that the government is dealing with.

The Singapore Ulama

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 561-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuty Raihanah Mostarom
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
Common Perception

There is a common perception that Muslim religious leaders (ulama) in Singapore do not play any political role for the local Muslim community. Due to the seemingly close relationship between the government and grassroots Muslim organisations it is unsurprising that many presume that the activities of organisations such as the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) and the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are closely monitored by the government. As a result of this environment, the ulama in Singapore do not enter into the political arena. This article argues that the very act of keeping religion out of formal political life in Singapore is a conscious position taken by the local ulama and that in itself is a form of politics. Choosing not to do something is a political choice.

Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Somali Youth

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

For Italy in a changing world: the political apogee of Alcide De Gasperi, 1948–1954

Modern Italy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-471
Author(s):  
Barbara Taverni
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Classical Economic ◽  
Social Catholicism ◽  
The Church

Following the political stabilisation achieved with the victory at the election in 1948 of the Christian Democrat Party, De Gasperi's leadership had to deal with new domestic and international dynamics. The government dialogue with the ‘laical’ parties did not end with the reconstruction of the identity of a nation divided by the Fascist phenomenon, nor did it solidify along the lines of an ideologically driven anti-Communist design. De Gasperi's leadership was interwoven with profound changes in the role of the Church, the economic system and political organisation, founded upon new party and government systems. The national and European dimensions influenced one another in this conjuncture, resulting in a new set of equilibria: in the stability of the executive, within the limits set by the primacy of the parliamentary institutions and the organisational role of the party as a focus for political support; in economics, with a revision of classical economic liberalism; and in a unique synthesis of the secular tradition with social Catholicism, with a new interpretation of the 1948 Constitutional model.

scholarly journals Ulama dalam Politik Pemilu pada Pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta 2017

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 853-861
Author(s):  
Afif Ginanjar ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
R. Widya Setiabudi Sumadinata
Keyword(s):  
Urban Poor ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Bargaining Position ◽  
The Government

This study analyzes the factors of interest in the involvement of ulama in electoral politics by taking the case of the support of the Ulama and Habaib Forum (FUHAB) against Anies-Sandi in the DKI Jakarta Regional Head Election (Pilkada) 2017. The research method used is qualitative with the technique of collecting interview data with the FUHAB figures, Anies-Sani's success team, politicians, and academics as well as a literature review. The results showed that the dimensions of the interests which were arranged in the form of the economy of the ummah were based on identity. They strongly perceive some of the programs offered by Anies-Sandi as pro-people represented by the urban poor, such as stopping reclamation. In a practical manner, the political support of the FUHAB was fluid because in the early rounds they supported Agus-Silvi. The forms of their political work included using recitation and khutbah jum'at as well as securing votes at lower levels in the voting process. After Anies-Sandi won, the Habaib Ulama Forum (Fuhab), like other organizations, then received grant funds from the government and this shows that civil society organizations have a political bargaining position in elections which is useful for their interests.

scholarly journals Fr. Florian Stablewski’s Declaration of Loyalty to the Prussian Authority of 26 October 1891: Between Ambition, Necessity and Obedience

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH) ◽  
pp. 173-207
Author(s):  
Witold Matwiejczyk
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Polish Version ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Willingness To Cooperate

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 65 (2017), issue 2. The election of Florian Stablewski as Archbishop of Gniezno and Poznań was a result of many circumstances and decisions, directed mostly by the Prussian government. After Bismarck’s resignation in 1890, the Prussian authorities declared their readiness for ‘reconciliation’ (Versöhnung) with the Polish political elites in the Prussian partition, but with only the smallest possible concessions on their part. The nomination of the Polish candidate for archdioceses orphaned after the death of Juliusz Dinder was to be the first test of both parties’ intentions. An experienced politician such as Fr. Stablewski perfectly understood this and after rejecting Likowski’s candidature, he made public gestures towards the authorities, which were taken as an explicit declaration of loyalty and willingness to cooperate. Political support or even an inspiration for Stablewski was the political camp of Poznań conservatives led by Józef Kościelski, who personally undertook to force this candidate through at the Berlin court. The government, however, did not want to strengthen or make the Polish political camp independent. Therefore, upon expressing readiness to nominate Stablewski, they wanted to further maintain the status quo in Church and religious policy. A written commitment of the candidate to comply with these principles was to guarantee his full loyalty in the future. However, the declaration written by Stablewski was only an expression of his generally known and publicly expressed attitude of legality and loyalism. He reserved his full obedience only to his Church superiors: Cardinal Ledóchowski and the Pope.

Masculinities, Consumption, and Domesticity during the Perón Era

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Milanesio
Keyword(s):  
Full Employment ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Eva Peron ◽  
Internal Migrants ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Supported by a multiclass alliance including the working class and some sectors of industry and the military, Juan Domingo Perón’s government (1946–1955) industrialized the country, modernized and expanded the state, transformed local and national politics, empowered the labor unions, and substantially improved the standard of living. Perón combined a strong nationalistic and anti-oligarchic discourse with concrete material benefits like high wages, the expansion and consolidation of the retirement system, paid vacations, housing subsidies, and full employment that ensured the political support of large sectors of the working population. Like the workers, various other traditionally disenfranchised social sectors took center stage. The very poor became the main beneficiaries of the charities run by first lady Eva Perón; women won the right to vote with a law passed in 1947 and were mobilized and politicized by the Peronist Party; and children were recognized by the government as the true heirs of the new Argentina built by Peronism and thus subject to co-optation and indoctrination. At the same time, internal migrants, attracted by the promises of a better life and industrial employment, left the countryside and small towns in the interior for the cities, propelling a profound process of urbanization. The cultural, social, political, and economic changes that marked the Peronist years had major consequences for gender relations, roles, and identities, transforming the ways of being a man or a woman in mid-twentieth-century Argentina. Those changes profoundly reshaped discursive and symbolic representations of masculinities as well as social and cultural expectations of manhood across different social classes while creating the political, social, and economic conditions that facilitated the transformation of masculinity as a lived, everyday experience.

scholarly journals IDEOLOGISASI TAFSIR DI KALANGAN ISLAMIS PEREMPUAN BANGLADESH

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rikza Muqtada
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

As an open corpus, al-Qur’an speaks depending on readers. None has authority over al-Qur’an. Consequently, al-Qur’an is often taken by a group of Islamists as a socio-political legitimacy of their movement.Islamist group of Bangladeshi women -BICSa- are ideologizing an interpretation of the Koran which in doctrine to their women cadres to expedite their political missions under Jemaate Islami party (JI) of Bangladesh. BICSa successfully mobilized the women resources as a counterweight to the government by providing an education and a service to the lower levels of society, developing a relationship with the public, and recruiting also mobilizing the political support as the power of women.[Sebagai open corpus, al-Qur’an berbicara tergantung pembacanya. Tidak ada satu pun otoritas yang berkuasa penuh atasnya. Konsekuensinya al-Qur’an sering kali dibawa oleh sekelompok Islamis sebagai bentuk legitimasi gerakan sosial-politis mereka.Sekelompok Islamis perempuan Bangladesh–BICSa– melakukan ideologisasi tafsir al-Qur’an yang diajarkan kepada kader-kader perempuan mereka untuk memperlancar misi politik mereka di bawah partai Jemaate Islami (JI) Bangladesh. BICSa berhasil memobilisasi sumber daya perempuan sebagai penyeimbang pemerintahan dengan menyediakan pendidikan dan jasa bagi masyarakat level bawah, mengembangkan kontak dengan publik, merekrut dan menggalang dukungan politik sebagai kekuatan perempuan]

The Foreign Policy of the German Sudeten Council and Hans-Christoph Seebohm, 1956–1964

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilad Margalit
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Support ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
German Politics ◽  
The Government

Recent historical studies on the organizations of German expellees and their influence on West German political culture highlight the insincere attitude and deception by the whole West German political establishment toward the expellee politicians and activists and their cause. One study in this field is Matthias Stickler's important book “Ostdeutsch heißt Gesamtdeutsch,” and a more recent one by Manfred Kittel, Vertreibung der Vertriebenen?, takes Stickler's thesis even further. It creates the impression that the expellee organizations, highly dependent on the government for financial and political support, had no option in this matter and were even helpless in that they had to accept the noncommittal rhetoric and the West German government's unwillingness to obligate West Germany for their cause. In this article, I probe this portrayal of the expellee politicians and activists as objects rather than subjects of German politics by inquiring into the political and public relations activities of the German Sudeten Council (Sudetendeutscher Rat) in the field of foreign policy during and around the tenure of Hans-Christoph Seebohm as the leader (Sprecher) of the German Sudeten Expellee Homeland Society (Landsmannschaft) (1959–1967). The Sudeten Council is a non-party association; one half of its members are elected by the federal assembly of the German Sudeten Landsmannschaft and the other half by the political parties of the Bundestag. As well as being a politician of the expellee organization, Hans-Christoph Seebohm pursued the longest political career in the German federal cabinet—seventeen years. He served as Minister of Transportation and Mail of the Federal Republic from 1949 to 1966 under Chancellors Konrad Adenauer and Ludwig Erhard. To date, no monographic work has been written about Seebohm.

scholarly journals The Role of Political Economy in Energy Access: Public and Private Off-Grid Electrification in Tanzania

Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (11) ◽  
pp. 3173
Author(s):  
Isa Ferrall ◽  
Georg Heinemann ◽  
Christian von Hirschhausen ◽  
Daniel M. Kammen
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Renewable Energy Sources ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
The Political ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
Unique Contribution ◽  
Energy Access ◽  
The Government ◽  
Home Systems

Off-grid renewable energy sources are dramatically altering the energy landscape in countries with low energy access. While techno-economic perspectives are already widely discussed, the political economy is largely ignored, particularly regarding the institutions providing electricity. Two of many ways that the task of electrification can be framed are: (1) as the duty of the government to provide a basic service to its people, or (2) as a goods that can be purchased from private players in a market system. Electrification in our country of focus, Tanzania, has developed a promising off-grid market as an increasing number of private players have recently become active there. While grid extension is still a priority for the government, solar home systems, which are estimated to make up more than half of all new connections by 2030, get surprisingly less attention in terms of coordination, political support, and policy frameworks. This is despite the fact that the population is highly dispersed, making grid extension less suitable and more expensive than off-grid, decentralized systems. After an extensive literature review, our method applies a theory-embedded framework of institutional economics to the use of solar home systems for electrification in Tanzania and examines the realizations of the electricity provided. The framework defines key political economy criteria as drivers for energy access and evaluates their respective relevance. We then apply this framework to evaluate 20 selected projects, which have promoted solar home systems in rural off-grid areas in Tanzania since 2000. As a unique contribution to the literature, this research highlights the underappreciated influence of different institutional arrangements on the political economy landscape and on the electricity provided for rural electrification in sub-Saharan Africa.

scholarly journals Forests Under Siege: Indigenous Causes of Deforestation in Dir Valley, Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Furad Ali ◽  
Muhammad Ibrar ◽  
Syed Asif Ali Shah
Keyword(s):  
Social Disorganization ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
Rapport Building ◽  
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province ◽  
The Government ◽  
Depth Interviews

Deforestation is an alarming worldwide issue whereas the government of Pakistan knows the importance of forests and strives for its preservation. In this respect, an afforestation drive has been kicked off in the country. The aim is to increase the forests resources to thwart the country from the forecast environmental degradation. Moreover, these forests are predicted as the resuscitator of economy of the country in the long run. Besides the afforestation drive, the relentless deforestation is observed in the country. This study is conducted in Asban’r Valley, Dir District of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province Pakistan to surface the indigenous causes of deforestation. Data was collected through the qualitative research methods including the rapport building, observation, in-depth interviews and key informant interviews. A total of 21 respondents were selected purposively. The descriptive analysis is preferred for the analysis of empirical data. The findings revealed that other causes as highlighted by the various studies and the indigenous causes in the area under study that leads to depletion as reasoned of the political support of timber mafia and locals who cut the trees with collusion of timber mafia and forest officials; and have the competition for the maximization of property among the locals lacking ownership in forest and contumacy of cutting the trees and social disorganization.

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