scholarly journals Implikasi Perjuangan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia dalam Sistem Kenegaraan

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Azman Arsyad

Ide formalisasi syariah Islam dan penegakan daulah khilafah yang ingin diterapkan oleh Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia mempunyai implikasi untuk mengubah ideologi Negara Indonesia (internal) dan melawan ideologi barat yang masuk ke Indonesia. Lebih jauh, hal ini akan mempengaruhi hubungan antar negara yang berlaku saat ini. Tujuan ini akan sulit tercapai (dalam waktu dekat) oleh karena banyaknya tantangan diantaranya sistem demokrasi yang sudah lama dikembangkan di Indonesia, civil society (masyarakat madani) yang berwawasan moderat menginginkan substansi Islam, Peran lembaga MUI yang moderat sehingga dapat menangkal paham radikal dan sekuler.The idea of formalization of Islamic law and establishment of the Khilafah by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia will have implications on changing the state ideology of Indonesia (internal) and resist western ideologies that came into Indonesia. Furthermore, it will affect the relationship between the state just like any today. This goal will be hard to achieve (in the near future), because of many obstacles, including; the democratic system has long been roots in Indonesia, the majority of Islamic mass organization have moderate vision and more likely to be on the substance of Islam not the formalization, not to mention, the Indonesian Ulama Council, which is still effective in counteracting the radical and secular ideas and movements.

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Senem Aydın-Düzgit ◽  
Evren Balta

AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the divide between the government and the opposition in the country. An analysis of the justificatory arguments employed in constituting the aforementioned frames shows that, while those elites who deny the existence of polarization seek its absence in essentialist characteristics of society, in reductionist comparisons with history, or in internal/external enemies, those who acknowledge polarization’s presence look for its roots in political and institutional factors and processes. The article highlights how, given the denial of polarization by the pro-government elite and the substantial gap between the two camps’ justificatory narratives, the currently reported high rates of polarization in Turkey can, at best, be expected to remain as is in the near future, barring a radical change in political constellations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Mierzwa

Peace has to be thought of in a more complex way, which is mainly stimulated by women from civil society. Many questions can no longer be addressed in a thematically and politically isolated or delimited way; chains of action and challenges are too interwoven. So far, too little attention has been paid to the preferential option for the poor, the approach of religionless Christianity and a feminist-liberation-theological-pacifist approach. Topics that are more marginal, such as a peace-ethical approach to money and the relationship between peace and health, are also addressed. Finally, the difficult question of how far one may still cooperate with the state when one is on the trail of peace is explored.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Athoilah Islamy ◽  
Sansan Ziaul Haq

Abstract: one of the big issue that is still debatable about the relationship between Islam and politics is how legitimate the democratic political system is in the paradigm of Islamic law. This study will explain the alternative paradigm in evaluating the democratic system based on the paradigm of Islamic law from a prominent Muslim intellectual named Yusuf al-Qaradawi. This research is a qualitative research in the form of literature review. The primary source used is a variety of literature that explains Yusuf al-Qaradawi's thoughts about democracy in Islam. The method used is the method of interpreting the thoughts of the figures with the maqasid al-shari‘ah approach. There are two big conclusions of this research. First, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view of democracy can be said to be grounded in its epistemological foundation in understanding the concept of an Islamic state. For al-Qaradawi, an Islamic state is a system of government that provides policy improvisation space in the benefit of social, economic and political life based on the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah). Second, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view, the democratic system can be compatible with Islam if the principles in the democratic system are in accordance with various values which are the spirit of the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah), such as the value of justice, equality of rights, freedom, etc. so. To realize this, the democratic system must carry a holistic vision and mission, which includes worldly and ukhrawi benefits as well as individual and social benefits.       Keywords: Validity, democracy, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, maqasid shari’ah; 


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 205-234
Author(s):  
A. Sunarwoto

Abstract The focus of this article is on the Salafiyya-Madkhaliyya in Indonesia, which takes its name from Saudi scholar Rabīʿ al-Madkhalī. After an account of how they emerged and developed in Indonesia, the relationship of the Madkhalīs with the state, which is based on a “fiqh of obedience”, is analyzed. It is argued that, while this legal underpinning necessitates that they give total loyalty to the ruler (walī l-amr, or ūlū l-amr), the Indonesian Madkhalīs are unable to entirely follow this principle. The Madkhalīs have had to come to terms with the fact that Indonesia follows a democratic system, which, in fact, prevents the comprehensive accommodation of their Salafī principles. The resulting ambiguities prove difficult to solve. It is argued here that the negotiation between Madkhalī Salafīs and the Indonesian state is characterized by the constant efforts of the former to tackle those ambiguities.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Lugano

This chapter provides an overview of the relationship between civil society and the Kenyan state. It unveils two contradictory trends: civil society’s opposition to, and co-optation by/cooperation with, the state. The chapter argues that these tendencies are contingent on organizational positionality within the prevailing political settlement, which constitutes state authority. The trends further affirm the centrality of civil society in Kenya’s political settlements, and associated reflections of key societal divisions along ethnic and political lines that in turn help to shape organizational relations with the state and broader society. Overall, the checkered relationship between state and civil society supports both popular perceptions of the latter’s contributions to democratization, as well as concerns regarding its transformative potential.


Author(s):  
Sol Calandria ◽  
Luis González Alvo

This article analyzes the administration of women’s prisons in Argentina during the process of state consolidation, using two prison cases: the Correctional Institution for Women (Santa Fe) and the Olmos Prison for Women (Buenos Aires). In both cases, the Sisters of the Good Shepherd’s administration faced resistance from several state and non-state agents. We revisit an old issue using a new gender approach to investigate the relationship between female punishment, civil society, the state, its agents. The aim is to contribute toward a historical, non-androcentric analysis of women’s prisons using archival research.


ADDIN ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 491
Author(s):  
Moh. Khamdan ◽  
W Wiharyani

<p>The relationship between the religion represented by Islam and the State that is represented by the democratic political system continues remain to be a problem. Ideological debates that Islamic law should be implemented and escorted through Islamic countries experiencing resistance against groups who argued that Islam is a substance that is in compliance with democracy. Religious ideology has often been a motivation to justify the struggle through the violence that has been done. Strengthening of violence in the name of religion is regarded as a form of struggle for bottomic beliefs and religious form in kaffah. Nationalism of Islamic religion Leaders by receiving Pancasila as the Indonesian ideology  its been a moderate wisdom that has taken to maintain the unity of Indonesia, while keeping the existence of religions living. The relationship of religion and the State by Islamic religion Leaders of Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) considered as a mutual-connection with maintaining Indonesian nationalism without discriminating treatment of religions, tribes, and inter-group relations is face Islam Nusantara in Indonesia. Politics as the source of radicalism muted by NU leaders with a fatwa that receiving of Pancasila both as the nations foundation and as a spirit of Islam Nusantara. This research uses psychology politics theory and the theory of social identity’s approach that analyzing potential radicalism in society.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Zarul Arifin

Abstrak.Wacana tentang hubungan Islam dan negara masih menjadi pembahasan yang menarik. Masalahnya, Indonesia negara yang mayoritas warganya beragama Islam tidak menjadikan hukum Islam sebagai dasar konstitusinya, namun Indonesia juga bukan negara sekuler. Indonesia dapat dikatakan sebagai negara yang moderat, dimana hukum ketatanegaraan tidak bertentangan dengan hukum Islam Hukum Islam di tengah masyarakat Indonesia mempunyai kedudukan yang lebih penting dari pada dua ciri hukum lainnya yaitu hukum positif dan hukum hukum, tetapi tentunya tidak secara normatif atau ideologis. rasa ordogmatis, lebih secara tekstual tetapi secara kultural. Islam sebagai agama yang dianut oleh mayoritas penduduk Indonesia tentunya sangat mempengaruhi gaya hidup bangsa Indonesia. Dalam pandangan masyarakat Indonesia, hukum Islam merupakan bagian penting dari ajaran agama dan Islam merupakan ruang utama ekspresi pengalaman beragama dan menentukan keberlangsungan serta identitas sejarahnya.Kata kunci. Kinerja, Hukum Islam, Indonesia.Abstract. The discourse on the relationship between Islam and the state is still being discussedwhich are interesting. The problem is that Indonesia is a country with a majority of its citizensbeing Muslim does not make Islamic law the basis of its constitution.However, Indonesia is also not a secular country. Indonesia cansaid to be a moderate country, where the constitutional law does not contradict Islamic lawIslamic law in the midst of Indonesian society has a positionwhich is more important than the two other legal features, positive law and lawadat, but certainly not in a normative or ideological sense ordogmatic, more so textually but culturally. Islam, as the religion embraced by the majority of Indonesia's population, certainly greatly influences the lifestyle of the Indonesian nation. In the view of Indonesian society, Islamic law is an important part of religious teachings and Islam is a space for the main expression of religious experience and determines its continuity and historical identity.Keyword. Performance,  Islamic Law, Indonesia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Budi Rahmat Hakim

The Birth of Law No. 23/2011 marks a new era of transformation of the national charity which has given rise to a new paradigm of charity management in our country. Some rules are the result of constitutive ijtihadin the ?eld of charity gets a reaction from some quarters, especially related to the management of charity by the state authority. Regardless of the debate which led to the material and formal lawsuit, there are several key issues to be further analyzed in relation to the reconstruction of ?qh paradigm evaluated from the perspective of contemporary Islamic law. First, the authorities and the involvement of the state as charities through the agency or institution that is of?cially established or recognized by the state, so that the management of charity can be done effectively, guaranteed. And have legal certainty. Secondly, the absence of sanctions for muzaki who shirk the obligation of charity in Law No.23 / 2011 shows that the payment of charity is voluntary, therefore charity regulations in Indonesia are still considered weak in the legal framework that can bind to the individual or business entity that is exposed to the taxpayer , Third, the reform paradigm of subject, object and charity tas{arruf ?eld have already accommodated in Law No.23 / 2011 in accordance with the principle of mas}lah}atand justice. Fourth, the relationship of charity and tax reaf?rmed in the amendment of new Law charity as?scal incentives for charity payers to make charity as a reduction of PKP (tax deduction), although this provision has not been able to realize the position of charitywhich is more signi?cant as a tax deduction(tax credit).


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