scholarly journals DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF MAQASID SHARIA : STUDY ANALYSIS OF YUSUF AL-QARADAWI’S THOUGHT

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Athoilah Islamy ◽  
Sansan Ziaul Haq

Abstract: one of the big issue that is still debatable about the relationship between Islam and politics is how legitimate the democratic political system is in the paradigm of Islamic law. This study will explain the alternative paradigm in evaluating the democratic system based on the paradigm of Islamic law from a prominent Muslim intellectual named Yusuf al-Qaradawi. This research is a qualitative research in the form of literature review. The primary source used is a variety of literature that explains Yusuf al-Qaradawi's thoughts about democracy in Islam. The method used is the method of interpreting the thoughts of the figures with the maqasid al-shari‘ah approach. There are two big conclusions of this research. First, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view of democracy can be said to be grounded in its epistemological foundation in understanding the concept of an Islamic state. For al-Qaradawi, an Islamic state is a system of government that provides policy improvisation space in the benefit of social, economic and political life based on the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah). Second, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view, the democratic system can be compatible with Islam if the principles in the democratic system are in accordance with various values which are the spirit of the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah), such as the value of justice, equality of rights, freedom, etc. so. To realize this, the democratic system must carry a holistic vision and mission, which includes worldly and ukhrawi benefits as well as individual and social benefits.       Keywords: Validity, democracy, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, maqasid shari’ah; 

ADDIN ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 491
Author(s):  
Moh. Khamdan ◽  
W Wiharyani

<p>The relationship between the religion represented by Islam and the State that is represented by the democratic political system continues remain to be a problem. Ideological debates that Islamic law should be implemented and escorted through Islamic countries experiencing resistance against groups who argued that Islam is a substance that is in compliance with democracy. Religious ideology has often been a motivation to justify the struggle through the violence that has been done. Strengthening of violence in the name of religion is regarded as a form of struggle for bottomic beliefs and religious form in kaffah. Nationalism of Islamic religion Leaders by receiving Pancasila as the Indonesian ideology  its been a moderate wisdom that has taken to maintain the unity of Indonesia, while keeping the existence of religions living. The relationship of religion and the State by Islamic religion Leaders of Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) considered as a mutual-connection with maintaining Indonesian nationalism without discriminating treatment of religions, tribes, and inter-group relations is face Islam Nusantara in Indonesia. Politics as the source of radicalism muted by NU leaders with a fatwa that receiving of Pancasila both as the nations foundation and as a spirit of Islam Nusantara. This research uses psychology politics theory and the theory of social identity’s approach that analyzing potential radicalism in society.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 132-141
Author(s):  
Rohmatul Izad

The political theology of  Islamic fundamentalism is a  religious-political movement that wants the total application of Islamic teachings in the political system and at the same time rejects all modern political ideologies. Meanwhile, bayani epistemology is one of the epistemological concepts found by al-Jabiri in expressing  Arabic-Islamic reasoning based on holy texts,  as well as being the basis for criticism of the tendency of textual epistemology in the tradition of Islamic historical literature. Therefore, research on the logical construction of Islamic fundamentalism political theology from the perspective of Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri's bayani epistemology is very relevant. The method used in this research is the literature review method of al-Jabiri's thinking with critical analysis. The results of this study: first, the method of thinking of Islamic fundamentalism political theology is based on text (nash) or literalism-takfirism.  They make holy texts (al-Qur'an and Sunnah) as the only basis for knowledge to arrive at the truth. Their way of thinking revolves around the problem of the concept of text, namely the relationship between lafadz and meaning, Uṣūl and furu ', as well as the position of the text between substance and accident. Second, the bayani dimension really colors the political theology of Islamic fundamentalism, which is textualistic and rejects all other epistemologies such as irfani and burhani. Based on textual reasoning, the theological reasoning of Islamic fundamentalism rests on three elements; (1) The dichotomous-dialectical paradigm, which sees everything in two opposing poles,  such as black-and-white,  right-wrong, and good-bad.  (2) Islamic reasoning, which is politically-theocentric, namely a thought that understands that Islam and the state are integral and Islamic law must be applied in the divine political order. (3) Political jihad as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, the jihad referred to here is war, both mental and physical. Jihad must be carried out to fight for an Islamic state as well as to fight against the enemies of Islam, both from within and from outside. This jihad is political in nature, but because it is based on religion, this jihad is considered as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, which is a form of struggle in the path of Allah.


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


Author(s):  
Shahrough Akhavi

The doctrine of salvation in Islam centers on the community of believers. Contemporary Muslim political philosophy (or, preferably, political theory) covers a broad expanse that brings under its rubric at least two diverse tendencies: an approach that stresses the integration of religion and politics, and an approach that insists on their separation. Advocates of the first approach seem united in their desire for the “Islamization of knowledge,” meaning that the epistemological foundation of understanding and explanation in all areas of life, including all areas of political life, must be “Islamic.” Thus, one needs to speak of an “Islamic anthropology,” an “Islamic sociology,” an “Islamic political science,” and so on. But there is also a distinction that one may make among advocates of this first approach. Moreover, one can say about many, perhaps most, advocates of the first approach that they feel an urgency to apply Islamic law throughout all arenas of society. This article focuses on the Muslim tradition of political philosophy and considers the following themes: the individual and society, the state, and democracy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Nafis Irkhami

Hizbut Tahrir (The Party of Liberation) is an international pan-Islamic politica<br />l organization. Its goal is to unify all Muslim countries as an Islamic state<br />(caliphate) ruled by shariah. They argued that caliphate and Islamic law should<br />not be separated. Without a caliphate, the sharia application will never be<br />totally accomplished. Factually, these grand themes constitute the global discourse<br />applied by Hizbut Tahrir movements around the world. It becomes<br />the main idea that links their global ideological ground and commonality.<br />Hizbut Tahrir (HT) entered into Indonesia in 1982, through M. Mustofa and<br />Abdurrahman al-Baghdadi. As in another countries, HT got repression from<br />the government. Using a momentum of the reformation era, Hizbut Tahrir<br />Indonesia (HTI) begin to socialize its ideas openly. Even in 2000, they have<br />registered its organization at the Ministry of Domestic Affairs.<br />This study aims to scrutinize the ideas of HTI thinking about political economy,<br />which is devoted to the theory about the relationship between religion, state<br />and economy, as well as the construction of public finances. This study is<br />intended as a historical study of Islamic economic thought. The discourse of<br />the study focuses on three questions. First, how does HTI grow in Indonesia,<br />and why does they flourish? Second, what are the relationship between the religion, the state and the economy according to them? Finally, how is the<br />structure of HTI’s public finances?<br />This qualitative study was an exploratory-analysis. It was intended to analyze<br />key concepts in a plantation of thought that has been documented, both<br />from primary and secondary sources. It is a library research. The sources of<br />the research are in the form of HTI’s works which have been well documented<br />in a large numbers, including in the Pdf formats. The study found that HTI<br />tended to see every current economic problem by reflecting it into the cultural<br />heritage of the past. Related to this, the slogan that they have always<br />been shouted was “Sharia is the only solution.” From this philosophy it can<br />be estimated that HTI’s thoughts of Islamic public finance, will face the problem<br />of contextualization.<br />Hizbut Tahrir (Partai Kemerdekaan) adalah sebuah gerakan politik Islam<br />internasional. Tujuannya adalah untuk menjadikan negara-negara Muslim dalam<br />satu kepemimpinan negara Khilafah yang diatur dengan syariah. Mereka<br />berpendapat bahwa kekhalifahan dan hukum Islam tidak dapat dipisahkan.<br />Tanpa Negara khilafah, syariah tidak dapat diterapkan dengan sempurna.<br />Gagasan utama inilah yang diusung oleh Hizbut Tahrir di seluruh dunia. Gagasan<br />pokok itulah yang mempertemukan idiologi dan pergerakan mereka. Hizbut<br />Tahrir masuk ke Indonesia pada tahun 1982 melalui M. Mustofa dan<br />Abdurrahman al-Bagdadi. Sebagaimana di negara-negara lain, HT mendapat<br />tekanan dari pemerintah. Dengan memanfaatkan momentum era reformasi,<br />HTI mulai mensosialisasikan ide-idenya secara terbuka. Bahkan pada tahun<br />2000 mereka telah mendaftarkan dirinya sebagai organisasi resmi di Depdagri<br />Ditjen Kesatuan Bangsa.<br />Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap gagasan pemikiran HTI tentang<br />ekonomi politik, khususnya mengenai teori hubungan antara agama, negara<br />dan perekonomian, serta mengenai konstruksi keuangan publik. Kajian ini<br />dimaksudkan sebagai studi historis tentang pemikiran ekonomi Islam. Pokok<br />masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, bagaimana HTI tumbuh dan<br />berkembang di Indonesia. Kedua, bagaimanakah hubungan antara agama,<br />Negara dan perekonomian menurut mereka. Ketiga, bagaimanakah struktur<br />keuangan public menurut HTI?<br />Kajian kualitatif ini bersifat eksploratif-analisis, yakni dimaksudkan untuk mengurai dan menganalisa secara mendalam mengenai konsep-konsep kunci<br />dalam pemikiran HTI yang telah terdokumentasikan, baik dari sumber primer<br />maupun sekunder. Berdasar sifatnya, penelitian ini termasuk library research, di<br />mana bahan dan sumber data penelitian ini berupa karya-karya dari tokohtokoh<br />HTI yang telah terdokumentasikan dengan baik dalam jumlah besar,<br />termasuk dalam format Pdf. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa HTI cenderung<br />melihat segala persoalan ekonomi saat ini dengan merefleksikannya pada warisan<br />budaya masa lalu. Terkait dengan hal ini, slogan yang selalu mereka teriakkan<br />adalah “Syariah adalah satu-satunya solusi.” Dari cara berfikir ini dapat diperkirakan<br />bila pemikiran-pemikiran keuangan publik HTI akan menghadapi problem<br />kontektualitas.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Freire

This article presents a rational choice account of Brazil's jogo do bicho ('animal game'), possibly the largest illegal lottery game in the world. In over 120 years, the jogo do bicho has grown from a local raffle to a multimillion-dollar business, and the game has played a major role in Brazil's cultural and political life. My analysis of the jogo do bicho has three goals. First, I examine the mechanisms that fostered the lottery's notable growth outside the boundaries of Brazilian law. Second, I investigate how the animal game financiers combine costly signals and selective incentives to induce cooperation from members of the community. Lastly, I discuss the relationship between the lottery sponsors and Brazilian representatives, particularly how the bicheiros exploit the fragmentation of Brazil's political system to advance their long-term interests. Keywords: Brazil; criminal organisations; gambling; jogo do bicho; private governanceJEL Codes: D72, K42, P26, P37, Z00DOI: https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/se2jrBibTeX entry:@misc{freire2019jogodobicho, title={{Beasts of Prey or Rational Animals? Private Governance in Brazil's \emph{Jogo do Bicho}}}, howpublished = {\url{https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/se2jr}}, publisher={SocArXiv}, author={Freire, Danilo}, year={2019}, month={Mar}}


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn M. Warner

This article argues that historical context can be a strong force for the origins of an ideologically and behaviourally moderate religious political party. It explores the origins of Italian Christian Democracy, following the trajectory of the Partito Popolare Italiano and Democrazia Cristiana in order to highlight a path to religious party moderation that excludes extremism and violence at all stages. That path includes the development of a moderate ideology prior to inclusion in the democratic system, influenced by efforts to reconcile Catholicism with democracy. Extremist alternatives are eliminated not through the moderating tendencies of a democratic political system but by historical events and by efforts of the moderate religious party to ensure that the democratic system does not collapse. Ideological and behavioural moderation are understood as acceptance of democracy and promotion of civil liberties, not as the notion that a party becomes in some way less religious.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Detta Rahmawan ◽  
Justito Adiprasetio ◽  
Preciosa Alnashava Janitra

In Indonesia, various Islamist groups are emerging and frequently promote the idea of Islamic Law to replace the secular-democratic political system. Some of these groups use several websites to spread their ideology to the public and as a form of resistance to the “mainstream news”. This study uses framing analysis to explore how Islamist news websites, such as VOA-Islam and ArRahmah, portray the concept of democracy. Throughout the analysis, it has been found that they frequently claimed that democracy is a failing system, because it is expensive, it creates a political oligarchy, and it goes against the teachings of the Quran. Moreover, these websites often used member of the anti-democratic organizations such as HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia), as their primary sources. By always contrasting the concept of democracy with Islamic values, these groups offered narratives that does not lead to a healthy and productive discussion. instead, it has the potential to exaggerate ideological polarization.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mathias Daven

Democracy is often seen as a political system which is capable of lessening or preventing corruption. Countries with a democratic system are regarded as relatively free of corrupt practices. Meanwhile, authoritarian political systems are seen as riddled through with corrupt practices because they are not capable of protecting political officials from such practices. However it is apparent that corruption scandals are frequently encountered in democratic systems. Various corruption scandals that befall politicians in Western Europe, the USA and Japan indicate the reality that democratic procedures are not, on their own, capable of protecting officials from corruption. What calls for debate among academics is: Which aspect of democracy can prevent, and which aspect can permit corrupt practices? How can the relationship between corruption and democracy be explained? This essay is presented as a small contribution to this debate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-116
Author(s):  
Bani Syarif Maula

Indonesia is a country with a majority Muslim population that implements a democratic system. Based on this democratic system, non-muslims constitutional systems can coexist and play an active role in carrying out religious values in the public sphere as a very visible feature. Nonetheless, the relationship between Islam and the state in the course of Indonesian history always experiences ups and downs. In one period of Indonesian history, Islamic politics was a peripheral thought and movement and even considered a threat to democracy and the value of modernity, because Islamic groups struggled to maintain the ideology of Islamism with the aim of establishing an Islamic state, or at least implementing a traditional Islamic legal system to a modern Indonesian society. However, as the development of the Islamic world coincided with efforts to democratize the Indonesian state, Islamic politics also changed its direction to adjust to these conditions. Islamic groups become more accommodating to the values of democracy and modernity, without having to leave their Islamic identity. This last phenomenon is known as post-Islamism as a socio-political movement in the life of the nation and state in Indonesia.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document