scholarly journals Structured, formal engagement of stakeholders in public policy – The case of An Fóram Uisce (The Water Forum)

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
Richard Boyle ◽  
Joanna O’Riordan ◽  
Fergal O’Leary ◽  
Laura Shannon

Abstract This paper examines the operation of An Fóram Uisce (The Water Forum) and its role as a statutory body in formally engaging stakeholders in policy deliberation at the national level. An Fóram Uisce was established in 2018 and consists of twenty-six members, including stakeholders from agriculture, fisheries, business, trade unions and environmental organisations. The research finds a number of benefits of An Fóram as a means of stakeholder engagement. An Fóram is gradually evolving a role for itself in highlighting or putting an issue on the political and public agenda, and helping determine ways in which problems are addressed. It also provides members with a means of developing a shared understanding of the issues and agreeing potential solutions. Limitations exist, however. Notably, there is limited evidence to date of the impact of An Fóram on policy development in practice.

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 1739-1768
Author(s):  
Mai Thi Thanh Thai ◽  
Ekaterina Turkina ◽  
Amon Simba

PurposeThrough utilizing social capital as an overarching concept, the purpose of this article is to investigate cross-country rates of business formation in the formal vs informal sectors. Plus, empirically assess the impact of social capital constructs on the national rates of entrepreneurship.Design/methodology/approachAdopting a regression-oriented methodology, partial least squares (PLS), the study used a sample comprising 50 nations. National rates of registered and nonregistered business creation were utilized as endogenous variables. To determine the indigenous variables, constructs of social capital were measured which is consistent with the World Value Survey (WWS).FindingsThe results of this study show that in the formal and the informal sectors, social networking enables business creation with varying levels of impact. It establishes that institutional trust has a negative effect on informal business creation and a positive effect on business registration; interpersonal trust drives entrepreneurship in the informal sector but has less impact on business registration; norms of trustworthiness are related to business registration than informal business creation.Practical implicationsThe findings of this research have theoretical and practical implications. They stimulate academic debate on the application of social capital constructs at the national level. The indications that social capital promotes business formation in both the informal and formal sectors can influence entrepreneurship policy development in many countries.Originality/valueThe originality of the results of this study lies in how it conceptualizes social capital as having direct impact on business creation in the informal vs formal sector. Thus, the findings elevated the conceptualization of social capital to the national level thereby enhancing knowledge on the entrepreneurship process as well as developmental economics.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachela Colosi

In England and Wales, with the introduction of Section 27 of the Policing and Crime Act 2009, lap-dancing clubs can now be licensed as Sexual Entertainment Venues. This article considers such, offering a critique of Section 27, arguing that this legislation is not evidence-based, with lap-dancing policy, like other sex-work policies, often associated with crime, deviance and immorality. Furthermore, it is argued that sex-work policies are gradually being homogenised as well as increasingly criminalised. Other criticisms relate to various licensing loopholes which lead to some striptease venues remaining unlicensed and unregulated, potentially impacting on the welfare of erotic dancers. In addition, restrictions on the numbers of lap-dancing venues may exacerbate dancer unemployment, drawing these women into poverty. Finally, The Policing and Crime Act reflects how the political focus is being directed away from the exploitation of workers, on to issues relating to crime and deviance, despite limited evidence to support this focus.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Weston

The political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas is marked by a striking paradox. On the one hand, Cárdenas as president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940 presided over the most radical phase of the Mexican Revolution or what some historians call the “Second Revolution.” He was instrumental in organizing industrial workers and peasants at the national level and incorporating both groups into the reorganized government party, the Partido de la Revolutión Mexicana (PRM), that had as its declared purpose the establishment of a “workers' democracy” in Mexico. Under his leadership the government supported the demands of industrial workers for higher wages and improved working conditions, greatly expanded the distribution of land to the peasantry, established new welfare programs, nationalized the railroad and petroleum industries and inaugurated a program of socialist education in the public schools. The prestige of Cárdenas as the foremost leader of the radical phase of the Revolution was enhanced by the fact that he, unlike many of his contemporaries, never attempted to use political office for personal financial gain; he was not a rich man when he completed his term of office as president. At the time of his death in 1970, Cárdenas was eulogized as “the greatest figure produced by the Revolution… an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement.” On the other hand, Cárdenas was the architect of the corporatist system of interest representation, including labor, peasant and business organizations, that provided the institutional framework of what Crane Brinton has called the “Thermidor,” i.e., the conservative reaction to the radical phase of the revolutionary process, that began in Mexico in approximately 1940. The institutions developed by Cárdenas were utilized by his successors to curtail the very reforms, such as agrarian and labor reform and socialist education, that had been central to his reform program. Moreover Cárdenas facilitated the transition to a more conservative era by naming as his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, who was known to favor a moderation of the reform process, rather than Francisco Múgica, the preferred candidate of the radicals in the government. In short, Cárdenas played a decisive role both in presiding over the radical phase of the Revolution and in launching and shaping the relatively conservative post-1940 era. The paradox of the political legacy of Cárdenas is that though the seemingly radical reforms he carried out had a lasting impact upon Mexican politics, the impact was predominantly conservative rather than radical. This essay will endeavor to explain the paradoxical political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas by focusing upon his ideology, the institutional reforms he carried out while president, and the impact of those reforms after 1940.


Literator ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Weideman ◽  
Colleen Du Plessis ◽  
Sanet Steyn

The post-1994 South African constitution proudly affirms the language diversity of the country, as do subsequent laws, while ministerial policies, both at further and higher education level, similarly promote the use of all 11 official languages in education. However, such recognition of diversity presents several challenges to accommodate potential variation. In language education at secondary school, which is nationally assessed, the variety being promoted immediately raises issues of fairness and equivalence. The final high-stakes examination of learners’ ability in home language at the exit level of their pre-tertiary education is currently contentious in South Africa. It is known, for example, that in certain indigenous languages, the exit level assessments barely discriminate among learners with different abilities, while in other languages they do. For that reason, the Council for Quality Assurance in General and Further Education, Umalusi, has commissioned several reports to attempt to understand the nature of the problem. This article will deal with a discussion of a fourth attempt by Umalusi to solve the problem. That attempt, undertaken by a consortium of four universities, has already delivered six interim reports to this statutory body, and the article will consider some of their content and methodology. In their reconceptualisation of the problem, the applied linguists involved first sought to identify the theoretical roots of the current curriculum in order to articulate more sharply the construct being assessed. That provides the basis for a theoretical justification of the several solutions being proposed, as well as for the preliminary designs of modifications to current, and the introduction of new assessments. The impact of equivalence of measurement as a design requirement will be specifically discussed, with reference to the empirical analyses of results of a number of pilots of equivalent tests in different languages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. e0009131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Ochola ◽  
Diana M. S. Karanja ◽  
Susan J. Elliott

Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs) remain endemic to many regions of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) left behind by socioeconomic progress. As such, these diseases are markers of extreme poverty and inequity that are propagated by the political, economic, social, and cultural systems that affect health and wellbeing. As countries embrace and work towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the needs of such vulnerable populations need to be addressed in local and global arenas. The research uses primary qualitative data collected from five NTD endemic counties of Kenya: interviews key informants (n = 21) involved in NTD implementation programs and focus groups (n = 5) of affected individuals. Informed by theories of political ecology of health, the research focuses on post-devolution Kenya and identifies the political, economic, social, and cultural factors that propagate NTDs and their effects on health and wellbeing. Our findings indicate that structural factors such as competing political interests, health worker strikes, inadequate budgetary allocations, economic opportunity, marginalization, illiteracy, entrenched cultural norms and practices, poor access to water, sanitation and housing, all serve to propagate NTD transmission and subsequently affect the health and wellbeing of populations. As such, we recommend that post-devolution Kenya ensures local political, economic and socio-cultural structures are equitable, sensitive and responsive to the needs of all people. We also propose poverty alleviation through capacity building and empowerment as a means of tackling NTDs for sustained economic opportunity and productivity at the local and national level.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 702-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Foster ◽  
Peter Scott

This article considers the attitudes to the single currency of public service trade unions, illustrating this through a number of nationally based case studies. We examine claims about the impact of EMU on welfare states and public expenditure, and particularly the extent to which the governance of EMU attests a ‘neoliberal', marketising approach towards the public sphere. We find that any such tendency has been offset by the recent resurgence of forms of national-level bipartite or tripartite economic and social coordination, managing the effects of EMU through social dialogue. The subsequent section of the paper develops a categorisation of four main trends evident in European public service trade unions'response to the single currency: enthusiasm, altruism, scepticism and resistance. The dominant attitude to date has been acceptance. We highlight dangers for democratic legitimacy within public sector unions in cases where leadership support for EMU has exceeded that of the membership, and indicate some potential areas for future public service union influence in the EMU.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viatcheslav Avioutskii ◽  
Mouloud Tensaout

Purpose While many studies have investigated the impact of institutional factors (i.e. financial risk factors) in the host country on inward foreign direct investment (FDI), fewer studies have researched on the locational aspects of FDI in relation to the political economy. This paper aims to fill this gap by examining the effects of the political economy on inward FDI in Poland’s regions and in other CEE (Central and Eastern Europe) countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper develops a theoretical argument postulating that political economy affects locational determinants of FDI inflow. To test this hypothesis empirically, several analyses were performed at the national level (Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia and the Czech Republic) and at the subnational level (Poland’s provinces). First, the “footloose” nature of FDI inflows using the time series analysis was examined. Then a fixed-effect panel data regression model and a dynamic adjustment model to quantify the impact of political ideology and agglomeration effects were performed. Findings After controlling for economic and institutional determinants of FDI, the findings indicate that, in transitional economies, ideology affects the locational choice of multinational corporations (MNCs). At the national level, the results show that political risk, liberalization and economic reforms are important drivers of FDI inflows. At the subnational level, the vote for a liberal party positively affects the distribution of FDI in the provinces. Another finding is that electoral cycles also affect FDI inflows at regional levels in Poland. Finally, this study provides some supporting evidence for the “footloose” nature of FDI in case of external shocks. Originality/value This study contributes to the literature on the locational determinants of FDI by showing that ideology constitutes an important factor for locational choices by MNCs. The findings have important implications for public policy decision-makers who are seeking to improve the attractiveness of their country or region as an FDI destination.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daisheng Tang ◽  
Ying Lian ◽  
Xuefan Dong

Abstract Understanding the perception of patients towards the quality of hospitals is critical to policy development and improvement. However, there remains a dearth of literature examining the impact of the new health reform launched by China's government in 2009 on the changes of the patient satisfaction. Thus, the aim of this paper was to evaluate long-term trends in patient satisfaction to healthcare providers in China from 2003 to 2013. The data from three rounds (2003, 2008, and 2013) of the National Health Service Survey. The unsatisfactory rate, hospital satisfaction assessment and the most dissatisfied items for outpatients and inpatients in urban and rural areas in China were considered Percentages changes from 2003 to 2008, 2008 to 2013, and 2003 to 2013 were calculated to descriptively show the trends of patient satisfaction between these 10 years. Chi-square tests regarding the changes of each item between any two years were carried out to evaluate temporal variance. The results reveal a significant overall improvement in the patient satisfaction of both inpatients and outpatients in urban and rural areas in China from 2003 to 2013, especially for the period between 2008 and 2013. However, the percentage of outpatients who dissatisfied with the waiting time for treatment largely increased between 2008 and 2013. In addition, both inpatients and outpatients tended to pay more attention to the service quality and medical expense. With respect to the patient-physician trust relationship, an overall marked improvement could be identified. The findings of this study are unique in presenting the patient satisfaction at the national level in China, which highlight a need to carry out more national actions focusing on the optimization of visiting mechanism, the deduction of medical costs and the improvement of doctors' service and medical quality.


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Michael Jakobsen

Discussing modes of political and/or economic decoupling in an era of economic globalization seems almost contradictory as the dominating keywords in the latter are increasing integration, interdependency and harmonization. For example, when looking towards the political realm it seems problematic to suggest that a nation-state can opt for a withdrawal from the global community in order to nurture its domestic potential. Likewise, when looking towards the economic realm, it seems even more problematic to suggest the possibility of a national economy withdrawing from the global economy, taking an increasing internationalization of domestic markets into account. Nonetheless, there is a discourse devoted to just that, namely whether or not to decouple economically and politically from the global community. The present article explores this discourse by first taking a critical look at the concept of decoupling. It then proceeds by presenting a different approach towards the study of the relationship between the global and national level by introducing the notion of triangulation. It is argued that the relationship between economic globalization, national economics and a given societal context in which the two former are embedded, is governed by various layers of interdependency. This means that one cannot solely focus on one point in the triangle and thus decouple, so to speak, the other two in order to understand, for example, the political or economic forces at play there. According to the argument forwarded in this article, one has to take all three points in the triangle into account in order to disentangle and thus understand the complex web of interdependency among the three. To illustrate the workings of this approach, a case study of the ramifications of a newly initiated national economic development plan in Malaysia is introduced. The article ends by returning to the decoupling discourse to re-examine it in the light of the findings from the case study.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 59-72
Author(s):  
TITTY VARGHESE

Women's exposure to political power and their influence on policies has expanded tremendously in recent decades. However, females are nowhere proportional to males in their impact and practice of political legitimacy although political empowerment research on women's role is continuing. The Indian government national program of ‘Panchayati Raj Institutions' act of 1992 was an outstanding policy mechanism for increasing women's political participation at the national level. This act provides 50 % reservation seats for women in the Local Self Government, and thus women were capable of attaining power in the political realm. Through this policy, there is a greater possibility for women to elected in the political realms and thus process a higher role in welfare mechanisms in their respective administrative locality than before. In this context, this article aims to explore the importance of the Panchayati Raj Institution policy on the political empowerment of women in the panchayat. To find out the impact of policy, this paper conducted an empirical study by collecting the primary data from elected women representatives in one district of Kerala. The results could assess the significance of increasing women's political empowerment and their position in Kerala society.


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