scholarly journals Conceptual Perspectives on State Fragility

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 107-135
Author(s):  
D. P. Elagin
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
State Fragility ◽  
Explanatory Factors ◽  
Context Specific ◽  
The Impact

The article explores scientific discourse on the phenomenon of state fragility and reviews contemporary research that aims to uncover what factors account for the emergence of states that are vulnerable to risks and crises and lack the capacity to deliver a response on their own. In order to achieve this goal, the author analyzes the evolution of the state fragility concept and reviews the literature on its causes. The article finds significant advancement in scientific thought about fragile states, acknowledg ing their continuous and multi-dimensional nature (the 'ALC' and 'OECD' approaches). However, these approaches tend to view fragile states as a deviation from the Europe an nation-state model and focus more on the attributes of fragility (inability to perform core functions of the state or lacking the capacity to cope with risks and crises) while failing to produce a precise explanation for its causes. Hence, there is a need to analyze the process of fragile states formation and its consequences, i.e., to look at the macrohistorical dimension of state fragility. A better understanding of the historical context of state fragility and stricter identification criteria for the subgroup of severely and chronically fragile states allows identifying some structural explanatory factors such as rigidity of pre-independence colonial state borders, heterogeneity of population, and preferences that constraints collective action and small economic size. The literature review presented in the article finds that fragile states often have an insufficient tax base to guarantee the efficient provision of public goods. There are also agency factors that contribute to increased state fragility. This review also finds that imperfect political institutions may produce kleptocratic political regimes detached from the population's interests and irresponsive to them. Consequently, they are likely to deny or limit access to public goods for some population groups. A combination of these factors is likely to create weak and fragile states, with the extent of fragility being context-specific. Recognizing the impact of the factors discussed in the article may help produce better policy responses to various development problems that plague fragile states.

Federation of Malaysia

2019 ◽  
pp. 125-158
Author(s):  
Daniel Pascoe
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
Capital Punishment ◽  
The State ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Judicial Discretion ◽  
Explanatory Factors ◽  
Capital Cases ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Over Time

As with Chapters 3 and 4, the case study on Malaysia begins with a thorough description of the country’s death penalty laws and practice, and Malaysia’s publicly known clemency practice over the period under analysis (1991–2016). Thereafter, for both the Malaysian (Chapter 5) and Indonesian (Chapter 6) cases, the potential explanatory factors for clemency incidence are more complex than for Thailand and Singapore, given these two jurisdictions’ more moderate rates of capital clemency and fluctuating political policies on capital punishment over time. Available statistics suggest that Malaysia’s clemency rate is moderately high, at between 55 and 63 per cent of finalized capital cases. Malaysia is a federal state where pardons are granted by the hereditary rulers or appointed state governors in state-based cases, or by the Malaysian king (Yang di-Pertuan Agong) in federal and security cases, all on the advice of specially constituted Pardons Boards. Chapter 5 presents the following two explanations for Malaysia’s restrictions on death penalty clemency: prosecutorial/judicial discretion and detention without trial in capital cases, and the Federal Attorney-General’s constitutional role on the State and Federal Pardons Boards. As to why Malaysia’s clemency rate has not then fallen to the miniscule level seen in neighbouring Singapore (with both nations closely comparable, as they were once part of the same Federation of Malaya), Chapter 5 points to the relevant paperwork placed before each Pardons Board, the merciful role played by the Malay monarchy, and the impact of excessively long stays on death row before clemency decisions are reached.

scholarly journals PROBLEMS OF EVALUATION AND INVESTMENT ATTRACTIVENESS MANAGEMENT AT THE MACROECONOMIC LEVEL

2020 ◽  
pp. 207-216
Author(s):  
O.V. Lyulyov ◽  
B.A. Moskalenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Investment ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
National Economy ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
State Of The Economy ◽  
Macroeconomic Indicators ◽  
Main Determinants ◽  
The Impact

Analysis of the dynamics of the movement and structure of investment resources allows us to determine how competitive a sector of the national economy is in attracting foreign investment and identify problems before they affect the related macroeconomic indicators. The article examines the factors influencing FDI inflows and their interaction with public authorities. Based on the data of the quality of political institutions (WGI), developed with the participation of representatives of the World Bank, a basis for assessing the investment attractiveness of Ukraine was formed. As part of a study of international experience in assessing investment attractiveness, the authors analyzed current approaches to assessing the impact of political institutions on the dynamics of FDI and concluded on the qualitative characteristics of political institutions. Due to the limited supply of quality investment resources, the study of the assessment of the investment potential of the national economy is an important aspect of the implementation of domestic socio-economic policy. The study of the dynamics of macroeconomic indicators of the economy of Ukraine allowed to form a set of indices that have a significant impact on decision-making by potential investors. The authors proposed an approach to determining investment attractiveness based on the analysis of the dynamics of quantitative indicators of the state of the economy and quality indicators of public administration. The proposed model allows to assess the impact of each of the factors on the dynamics of FDI, to identify problems that demotivate the inflow of investment resources and to develop recommendations for investment policy management at the state level. Analysis of the dynamics of the movement and structure of investment resources allows us to determine how competitive a sector of the national economy is in attracting foreign investment and identify problems before they affect the related macroeconomic indicators. The authors' approach to assessing investment attractiveness takes into account most of the main determinants of FDI. In the analysis of the literature, it was decided to take into account not only quantitative statistics, but also the results of a survey of experts, which should have avoided the bias associated with the problem of non-consideration of variables. Further development of improving the assessment of investment attractiveness of the country by updating the list of determining factors and indicators influencing the movement of FDI, and ranking of indicators of investment attractiveness using the methods of expert assessments.

scholarly journals Post-Colonial State and Bureaucracy in Bangladesh: Theoretical Understanding

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 43-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanif Miah
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
State Administration ◽  
State Bureaucracy ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Personal Interests

Bureaucracy is the management apparatus of a state administration. Even in private sector, bureaucratic organization is very much essential for its smooth functioning and betterment. A legalized domination of bureaucracy only can ensure highest efficiency of an organization in a country. But the state bureaucracy of Bangladesh not developed legally from Pre-colonial period to post-colonial phase as well as an independent Bangladesh eventually. The state bureaucracy of Bangladesh is patrimonial in nature based on personal interests. The politicians and bureaucrats are interdependent in various manners for the fulfillment of their purpose illegally in Democratic Bangladesh. Simultaneously, the impact of militarism still exists in state bureaucracy of Bangladesh as it faced military rule in several times.

scholarly journals Public Policy Public Goods and the Impact of the pandemic crisis with special respect to the case of Greece

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMMANOUIL MAVROZACHARAKIS
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
Public Investment ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Special Respect ◽  
The Impact

People expect the state to provide them with a social security net. Whatever its defects, whatever the virtues of the private sector, no structure other than the state can today provide citizens with the basic public goods. Under right-wing governments, a very active role of the state is not expected. Also, is nor expected the introduction of a serious program of public investment and demand-boosting to stimulate the national economy and enter into a virtuous circle of recovery. Today many countries like Greece, which passed the economic crisis with drastic cuts in its traditionally deficient welfare state and its chronic underinvestment in public goods in key areas such as health, have to respond directly to the pandemic crisis. This fact leads in the short term to a revival of the debate on strengthening state powers and especially in strengthening public health systems. Political polarization is expected in the period after the end of the pandemic crisis focusing on welfare state issues. This, most likely, will leave plenty of space for social democratic and Keynesian approaches. In several countries like Greece, the right-wing governance will come under pressure leading even to rifts in its hegemony.

Who Rides the Storm? Political Institutions and Trade Adjustment

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Y. Kono ◽  
Greg Love
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Displaced Workers ◽  
Educational Opportunities ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Human Capital Formation ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Trade Adjustment ◽  
The Impact ◽  
High Separation

Both policymakers and scholars have expressed concern that trade has increased inequality in advanced industrialized countries (AICs). We argue that the impact of trade on inequality depends on the availability of public goods, such as educational opportunities, that allow displaced workers to upgrade their skills and adjust to trade. The provision of public goods, in turn, depends on political institutions: institutions that unify budgetary powers promote public-good spending while institutions that separate budgetary powers discourage it. Trade should thus increase inequality more (reduce inequality less) in countries with a high separation of budgetary powers. We test and find support for these hypotheses with a cross-sectional time-series analysis of fourteen AICs. Our results imply that trade can improve aggregate welfare without worsening economic inequities, but only if governments adopt complementary policies that facilitate human capital formation and labor-market adjustment.

Trust shifting as a reaction to pandemic: Cross country analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Tamara Merkulova ◽  
Kateryna Kononova
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
State Fragility ◽  
Stable Factor ◽  
The World ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability

Governance systems all over the world are coming under huge stress. Nowadays, two factors become crucial in the fight against the pandemic and its negative consequences: the state's ability to withstand stress in the economy and society; and civil support and approval of the governments' anti-crisis actions. This study aims to recognize the difference in stress response in different countries of the world. As a criterion for such a response, we consider the level of trust to governments in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. The Fragile States Index was used as a measure of the state fragility, and the indices of trust were used as indicators of the people's reaction. The study showed that there is no correlation between 1) the trust in the government and the fragility of the state; 2) the support for government actions during the pandemic and the trust to the government before the pandemic. The clustering of countries by the set of indices of trust and fragility showed that the clusters' means support both the assumptions of a direct and an inverse relationship between trust and state resistance to stress. In response to quarantine measures, we see multidirectional trends in both stable and fragile states: trust can grow, fall, or remain unchanged. However, in stronger states, the tendency to an increase in trust is stronger, while in weaker states - to its fall, which confirms the thesis that in crisis the weak weakens and the strong strengthens. The results of the analyses provide arguments in favor of the following. The stability of the state does not guarantee the high trust of citizens and support for its actions during a crisis, and high trust is not a stable factor of high support for government actions. At the same time, it can be expected that the positive reaction of citizens to government measures (increased trust) will be more significant than disappointment (loss of trust).

Fiscal Policy in Fragile Situations

2021 ◽  
pp. 271-296
Author(s):  
Gary Milante ◽  
Michael Woolcock
Keyword(s):  
Fiscal Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Component ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Specific Policy ◽  
Time Periods ◽  
Context Specific ◽  
Policy Guidance

While in principle fiscal policy in all countries is a central component of the “long route of accountability” binding citizens and the state, in fragile states the political dynamics shaping the extent to which this “route” does in fact deliver incrementally better key services (such as security and health) to citizens—and for which citizens, in turn, give the state due credit—are highly fraught. Using five governance measures across two time periods (2005–10, 2010–15), we document the wide array of pathways by which the fiscal policy space can and does change and can lead to variants in outcomes. The absence of a clear singular empirical story connecting fiscal policy to effective outcomes suggests the limits of what can be asked of aggregate governance measures in providing context-specific policy guidance in fragile situations; such measures need to be closely accompanied by solid theory, experience and context-specific knowledge.

scholarly journals State Capacity, Reciprocity, and the Social Contract

Econometrica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 1307-1335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Besley
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Tax Compliance ◽  
The State ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Social ◽  
Relative Payoff ◽  
Common Interests

This paper explores the role of civic culture in expanding fiscal capacity by developing a model based on reciprocal obligations: citizens pay their taxes and the state provides public goods. Civic culture evolves over time according to the relative payoff of civic‐minded and materialist citizens. A strong civic culture manifests itself as high tax revenues sustained by high levels of voluntary tax compliance and provision of public goods. This captures the idea of government as a reciprocal social contract between the state and its citizens. The paper highlights the role of political institutions and common interests in the emergence of civic culture.

Poland and the international system: external influences on democratic consolidation

2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Steves
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
The State ◽  
Consolidation Process ◽  
External Influences ◽  
The Impact

Democratization in Poland has been heavily influenced by agents and structures external to the Polish state. However, the influence of these external agencies is mediated through domestic social and political institutions, the state foremost among them. The Polish state’s response to and interaction with external agencies is heavily conditioned by the very process of democratization which these agencies seek to influence. Thus, the impact of external agencies on the democratic consolidation process cannot be understood without reference to the influence that democratization has played in reshaping Poland’s foreign relations. This paper explains the interaction between systemic and domestic factors in shaping the democratic consolidation process in Poland.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document