scholarly journals Federal-Provincial Voting and Federal Integration in the Fourth Canadian Party System

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Royce Koop
Keyword(s):  
Research Design ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Behavioral Integration ◽  
Traditional Conception ◽  
The Third ◽  
Do So

This paper explores a particular form of federal-provincial integration, behavioral integration, in Canada since 1993. It argues that the nature of electoral politics and the party system in Canada since 1993 cannot be fully understood without an understanding of the nature and extent of federal-provincial party integration that occurs within it, especially with regard to differences in such integration between different federal parties and provinces. It argues more specifically that the traditional conception of “Affiliation Integration,” where federal-provincial integration takes place largely between federal and provincial parties of identical partisan affiliation, is still largely valid despite the 1993 electoral dealignment and the rise of two new parties in that election. In order to do so,reviewing the literature on the resulting four forms in Canada. In addition, this section will outline problems with the literature and how this paper addresses them. The second section will present the paper’s research design. In particular, it will outline the three measures of behavioral integration that will be utilized in the analysis section. The third section will test the paper’s hypotheses by measuring behavioral integration in a variety of forms. Finally, the paper will conclude by broadly evaluating federal-provincial integration in Canada since 1993 and by noting how a refined interpretation of such integration furthers our understanding of the Fourth Canadian Party System in general.

Electoral Systems in Context

2017 ◽  
pp. 804-824
Author(s):  
Jack Vowles
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Third ◽  
System P ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Cleavage Structure

This chapter examines the consolidation of New Zealand’s mixed-member proportional (MMP) electoral system since the first MMP election in 1996. It has three sections: the first examines whether the change to MMP has achieved the goals of electoral reformers or confirmed the fears of its opponents; the second draws on longer-term historical analysis to assess the fit between the MMP system and the cleavage structure of New Zealand’s electoral politics and its party system; and the third provides some evidence from individual-level opinion and behavior since 1996, notably by outlining the attitudinal foundations of choice in the 2011 referendum that confirmed that New Zealand would retain the MMP system.

scholarly journals Three Is a Crowd? Podemos, Ciudadanos, and Vox: The End of Bipartisanship in Spain

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Rama ◽  
Guillermo Cordero ◽  
Piotr Zagórski
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Third ◽  
General Elections ◽  
European Parliament Elections

The traditional Spanish imperfect bipartisanship and the alternation in power that emerged in the early 80s between the center-left PSOE and the conservative PP have shifted towards a multiparty system after the emergence of three new parties. At first, as a result of the economic and political representation crises, Podemos (We Can) emerged at the 2014 European Parliament elections. This left-wing populist party managed to grow rapidly among the dissatisfied voters, reaching the third electoral position in the 2015 general elections. In the same contest, the liberal center party Ciudadanos (Citizens) became the fourth political force boosted, among other reasons, by notorious corruption scandals involving high-rank PP’s officials and the process of secession in Catalonia. Finally, driven by the same secession process and thanks to the removal from the office of PP’s Prime Minister after a motion of no confidence, the support for the populist radical right Vox also experienced a boost, winning 15 percent of the seats in Parliament in the general elections of November 2019. In this research, we describe the contexts which facilitated the irruptions of these new parties, analyze their impact on the Spanish party system, and study their current voters’ profiles.

Populist Parties in Lithuania: Curious Case of Party Order and Justice and its Leadership

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mindaugas Jurkynas
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Leadership Selection ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Selection Rules ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Face

AbstractThe article discusses conceptualisation of populism, Lithuania’s party system and electoral dynamics and their relation to the sustainability of populist parties. Special attention is given to Party Order and Justice, a former populist and protest party, and its leadership, namely to the issues related to scope and competencies of a leader’s intra-partisan power, leadership selection rules and history, development of leaders’ political careers and their electoral activity. The L ithuanian party system now exhibits moderate fragmentation without centrifugal tendencies. Voter volatility is still relatively high, yet the share of new parties has dropped to zero. The protest and populist parties in Lithuania went into the margins of political establishment. Popularity of the Order and Justice party has long been connected to the formerly impeached president Rolandas Paksas. His long-term leadership in the face of plummeting electoral support and an emphasis on his political martyrdom resulted in poor electoral performances, ensuing internal squabbles and his departure. Party Order and Justice’s internal regulations, however, remained favourable to strong leadership.

scholarly journals A political ontology for Europe: Roberto Esposito’s instituent paradigm

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Fulco
Keyword(s):  
Political Theology ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Recent Proposal ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
The Third ◽  
European Crisis ◽  
Do So

AbstractThe aim of my article is to relate Roberto Esposito’s reflections on Europe to his more recent proposal of instituent thought. I will try to do so by focusing on three theoretical cornerstones of Esposito’s thought: the first concerns the evidence of a link between Europe, philosophy and politics. The second is deconstructive: it highlights the inadequacy of the answers of the most important contemporary ontological-political paradigms to the European crisis, as well as the impossibility of interpreting this crisis through theoretical-political categories such as sovereignty. The third relates more directly to the proposal of a new political ontology, which Esposito defines as instituent thought. Esposito’s discussion of political theology is the central theoretical nucleus of this study. This discussion will focus, in particular, on the category of negation, from which any political ontology that is based on pure affirmativeness or absolute negation is criticized. In his opinion, philosophical theories developed on the basis of these assumptions have proved to be incomplete or ineffective in relation to the current European and global philosophical and political crisis. Esposito therefore perceives the urgent need to propose a line of thought that is neither negatively destituent (post-Heideggerian), nor affirmatively constituent (post-Deleuzian, post-Spinozian), but instituent (neo-Machiavellian), capable of thinking about order through conflict (the affirmative through the negative). Provided that we do not think of the institution statically–in a conservative sense–but dynamically, as constant instituting in which conflict can become an instrument of a politics increasingly inspired by justice.

A European Perspective on Religion and Welfare: Contrasts and Commonalities

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grace Davie
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
European Perspective ◽  
The Third ◽  
Effective Delivery ◽  
Delivery Of Services ◽  
Do So ◽  
West European

This article places the British material on religion and social policy in a comparative perspective. In order to do so, it introduces a recently completed project on welfare and religion in eight European societies, entitled ‘Welfare and Religion in a European Perspective’. Theoretically it draws on the work of two key thinkers: Gøsta Esping-Andersen and David Martin. The third section elaborates the argument: all West European societies are faced with the same dilemmas regarding the provision of welfare and all of them are considering alternatives to the state for the effective delivery of services. These alternatives include the churches.

The Irish–British Dimension

2021 ◽  
pp. 106-126
Author(s):  
Paul Gillespie
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
The Third ◽  
Ability To Act ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Power Scale ◽  
Opening Up ◽  
Normal Relationship ◽  
Do So

Power, scale, and wealth have moulded relations between Ireland and Britain historically and will continue to do so in future. Political relations between them have been determined by these asymmetric factors, giving much greater strength to the larger and richer island. Nevertheless, both islands exist within a larger European and transatlantic setting, a geopolitical fact that can mitigate or counteract Britain’s ability to act exclusively in its own interests. The chapter first explores this history and structure of the Irish–British relationship and then examines current political relations between the two islands, as seen in the intense joint efforts to bring peace to Northern Ireland and to regularize their interstate relations. Brexit rudely interrupts that new more normal relationship, as the third section argues, opening up several scenarios for changing constitutional futures within and between the two islands explored in the final one.

The Gathering of A Community: The British-born of San Francisco in 1852 and 1872

1976 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Burchell
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
High Rate ◽  
Geographical Mobility ◽  
The Third ◽  
Human Effort ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Incomplete Picture ◽  
Do So

Studies of the Massachusetts communities of Newburyport and Boston have revealed a high rate of geographical mobility for their populations, in excess of what had been previously thought. Because of the difficulty in tracing out-migrants these works have concentrated on persisters, though to do so is to give an incomplete picture of communal progress. Peter R. Knights in his study of Boston between 1830 and 1860 attempted to follow his out-migrants but was only able to trace some 27 per cent of them. The problem of out-migration is generally regarded as being too large for solution through human effort, but important enough now to engage the computer. What follows bears on the subject of out-migration, for it is an analysis of where part of the migrating populations of the east went in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, namely to San Francisco.

Why Two Parties? Ambition, Policy, and the Presidency

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Aldrich ◽  
Daniel J. Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Us ◽  
Duverger's Law ◽  
National Electorate

Duverger’s Law suggests that two parties will dominate under first-past-the-post (FPTP) within an electoral district, but the law does not necessarily establish two-party competition at the national level. United States is unique among FPTP countries in having the only durable and nearly pure, two-party system. Following this observation, we answer two questions. First, what contributes to the same two parties competing in districts all across the country and at different levels of office? Second, why is the US two-party system so durable over time, dominated by the same two parties? That is, “Why two parties?” As an answer, we propose the APP: ambition, the presidency, and policy. The presidency with its national electorate and electoral rules that favor two-party competition establishes two national major parties, which frames the opportunity structure that influences party affiliation decisions of ambitious politicians running for lower offices. Control over the policy agenda helps reinforce the continuation of a particular two-party system in equilibrium by blocking third parties through divergence on the main issue dimension and the suppression of latent issue dimensions that could benefit new parties. The confluence of the three factors explains why the United States is so uniquely a durable two-party system.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.

scholarly journals On Monomorphisms and Subfields

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-137
Author(s):  
Christoph Schwarzweller
Keyword(s):  
Irreducible Polynomial ◽  
Field Extension ◽  
Isomorphic Copy ◽  
Field Extensions ◽  
The Third ◽  
Fourth Part ◽  
Roots Of Polynomials ◽  
Classical Proof ◽  
Do So

Summary This is the second part of a four-article series containing a Mizar [2], [1] formalization of Kronecker’s construction about roots of polynomials in field extensions, i.e. that for every field F and every polynomial p ∈ F [X]\F there exists a field extension E of F such that p has a root over E. The formalization follows Kronecker’s classical proof using F [X]/<p> as the desired field extension E [5], [3], [4]. In the first part we show that an irreducible polynomial p ∈ F [X]\F has a root over F [X]/<p>. Note, however, that this statement cannot be true in a rigid formal sense: We do not have F ⊆ [X]/ < p > as sets, so F is not a subfield of F [X]/<p>, and hence formally p is not even a polynomial over F [X]/ < p >. Consequently, we translate p along the canonical monomorphism ϕ : F → F [X]/<p> and show that the translated polynomial ϕ (p) has a root over F [X]/<p>. Because F is not a subfield of F [X]/<p> we construct in this second part the field (E \ ϕF )∪F for a given monomorphism ϕ : F → E and show that this field both is isomorphic to F and includes F as a subfield. In the literature this part of the proof usually consists of saying that “one can identify F with its image ϕF in F [X]/<p> and therefore consider F as a subfield of F [X]/<p>”. Interestingly, to do so we need to assume that F ∩ E = ∅, in particular Kronecker’s construction can be formalized for fields F with F ∩ F [X] = ∅. Surprisingly, as we show in the third part, this condition is not automatically true for arbitray fields F : With the exception of 𝕑2 we construct for every field F an isomorphic copy F′ of F with F′ ∩ F′ [X] ≠ ∅. We also prove that for Mizar’s representations of 𝕑n, 𝕈 and 𝕉 we have 𝕑n ∩ 𝕑n[X] = ∅, 𝕈 ∩ 𝕈 [X] = ∅ and 𝕉 ∩ 𝕉 [X] = ∅, respectively. In the fourth part we finally define field extensions: E is a field extension of F iff F is a subfield of E. Note, that in this case we have F ⊆ E as sets, and thus a polynomial p over F is also a polynomial over E. We then apply the construction of the second part to F [X]/<p> with the canonical monomorphism ϕ : F → F [X]/<p>. Together with the first part this gives - for fields F with F ∩ F [X] = ∅ - a field extension E of F in which p ∈ F [X]\F has a root.

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