The Irish–British Dimension

Author(s):  
Paul Gillespie

Power, scale, and wealth have moulded relations between Ireland and Britain historically and will continue to do so in future. Political relations between them have been determined by these asymmetric factors, giving much greater strength to the larger and richer island. Nevertheless, both islands exist within a larger European and transatlantic setting, a geopolitical fact that can mitigate or counteract Britain’s ability to act exclusively in its own interests. The chapter first explores this history and structure of the Irish–British relationship and then examines current political relations between the two islands, as seen in the intense joint efforts to bring peace to Northern Ireland and to regularize their interstate relations. Brexit rudely interrupts that new more normal relationship, as the third section argues, opening up several scenarios for changing constitutional futures within and between the two islands explored in the final one.

Author(s):  
Rita Fulco

AbstractThe aim of my article is to relate Roberto Esposito’s reflections on Europe to his more recent proposal of instituent thought. I will try to do so by focusing on three theoretical cornerstones of Esposito’s thought: the first concerns the evidence of a link between Europe, philosophy and politics. The second is deconstructive: it highlights the inadequacy of the answers of the most important contemporary ontological-political paradigms to the European crisis, as well as the impossibility of interpreting this crisis through theoretical-political categories such as sovereignty. The third relates more directly to the proposal of a new political ontology, which Esposito defines as instituent thought. Esposito’s discussion of political theology is the central theoretical nucleus of this study. This discussion will focus, in particular, on the category of negation, from which any political ontology that is based on pure affirmativeness or absolute negation is criticized. In his opinion, philosophical theories developed on the basis of these assumptions have proved to be incomplete or ineffective in relation to the current European and global philosophical and political crisis. Esposito therefore perceives the urgent need to propose a line of thought that is neither negatively destituent (post-Heideggerian), nor affirmatively constituent (post-Deleuzian, post-Spinozian), but instituent (neo-Machiavellian), capable of thinking about order through conflict (the affirmative through the negative). Provided that we do not think of the institution statically–in a conservative sense–but dynamically, as constant instituting in which conflict can become an instrument of a politics increasingly inspired by justice.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grace Davie

This article places the British material on religion and social policy in a comparative perspective. In order to do so, it introduces a recently completed project on welfare and religion in eight European societies, entitled ‘Welfare and Religion in a European Perspective’. Theoretically it draws on the work of two key thinkers: Gøsta Esping-Andersen and David Martin. The third section elaborates the argument: all West European societies are faced with the same dilemmas regarding the provision of welfare and all of them are considering alternatives to the state for the effective delivery of services. These alternatives include the churches.


1994 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Carey

This paper examines the treatment of women by men in two areas of male-dominated employment: specific professions and non- traditional ‘manual’ employment such as construction, transport, and other trade workers. Based on data from secondary sources, and in-depth interviews with non-traditionally employed women in Northern Ireland, the paper is divided into three main parts. The first section assesses the extent of harassment and discrimination towards women in male- dominated professions; the second provides a similar account of the treatment of non-traditionally employed women in Northern Ireland. Evidence suggests that there is a dichotomy in the treatment of women between the two areas discussed - given that men and women in ‘manual’ employment seem to sustain a more ‘peer-like’ relationship than their counterparts in some male-dominated professions. Thus, in the third section of the paper, while attempting to avoid the trap of dualism, I posit reasons for the existence of such a dichotomy.


1976 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Burchell

Studies of the Massachusetts communities of Newburyport and Boston have revealed a high rate of geographical mobility for their populations, in excess of what had been previously thought. Because of the difficulty in tracing out-migrants these works have concentrated on persisters, though to do so is to give an incomplete picture of communal progress. Peter R. Knights in his study of Boston between 1830 and 1860 attempted to follow his out-migrants but was only able to trace some 27 per cent of them. The problem of out-migration is generally regarded as being too large for solution through human effort, but important enough now to engage the computer. What follows bears on the subject of out-migration, for it is an analysis of where part of the migrating populations of the east went in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, namely to San Francisco.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-137
Author(s):  
Christoph Schwarzweller

Summary This is the second part of a four-article series containing a Mizar [2], [1] formalization of Kronecker’s construction about roots of polynomials in field extensions, i.e. that for every field F and every polynomial p ∈ F [X]\F there exists a field extension E of F such that p has a root over E. The formalization follows Kronecker’s classical proof using F [X]/<p> as the desired field extension E [5], [3], [4]. In the first part we show that an irreducible polynomial p ∈ F [X]\F has a root over F [X]/<p>. Note, however, that this statement cannot be true in a rigid formal sense: We do not have F ⊆ [X]/ < p > as sets, so F is not a subfield of F [X]/<p>, and hence formally p is not even a polynomial over F [X]/ < p >. Consequently, we translate p along the canonical monomorphism ϕ : F → F [X]/<p> and show that the translated polynomial ϕ (p) has a root over F [X]/<p>. Because F is not a subfield of F [X]/<p> we construct in this second part the field (E \ ϕF )∪F for a given monomorphism ϕ : F → E and show that this field both is isomorphic to F and includes F as a subfield. In the literature this part of the proof usually consists of saying that “one can identify F with its image ϕF in F [X]/<p> and therefore consider F as a subfield of F [X]/<p>”. Interestingly, to do so we need to assume that F ∩ E = ∅, in particular Kronecker’s construction can be formalized for fields F with F ∩ F [X] = ∅. Surprisingly, as we show in the third part, this condition is not automatically true for arbitray fields F : With the exception of 𝕑2 we construct for every field F an isomorphic copy F′ of F with F′ ∩ F′ [X] ≠ ∅. We also prove that for Mizar’s representations of 𝕑n, 𝕈 and 𝕉 we have 𝕑n ∩ 𝕑n[X] = ∅, 𝕈 ∩ 𝕈 [X] = ∅ and 𝕉 ∩ 𝕉 [X] = ∅, respectively. In the fourth part we finally define field extensions: E is a field extension of F iff F is a subfield of E. Note, that in this case we have F ⊆ E as sets, and thus a polynomial p over F is also a polynomial over E. We then apply the construction of the second part to F [X]/<p> with the canonical monomorphism ϕ : F → F [X]/<p>. Together with the first part this gives - for fields F with F ∩ F [X] = ∅ - a field extension E of F in which p ∈ F [X]\F has a root.


1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. L. Cook ◽  
J. P. Chadwick ◽  
A. J. Kempster

ABSTRACTTo gain approval for use in the revised European Community (EC) Pig Grading Scheme to be introduced in 1989, methods of estimating carcass lean proportion must be shown to do so with a coefficient of determination greater than 0·64 and a residual s.d. of less than 25 g/kg. A trial was carried out to assess a number of methods for use in the EC Scheme as applied in Great Britain. Subcutaneous fat and m. longissimus depths at the head of the last rib and at the third/fourth from last rib were measured using the optical probe (OP), the Fat-O-Meater (FOM), the Hennessy Grading Probe II (HGP) and the Destron PG-100 Probe (DST) on a broad sample of 162 commercial carcasses representative of the ranges in fatness and weight found nationally. The left side of each carcass was separated into component tissues. Although the instruments all achieved similar levels of accuracy in predicting carcass lean proportion, some differences were found. The DST just failed to reach the required statistical criteria for approval in the EC Scheme. The results for the other three instruments were submitted to Brussels as evidence of suitability and they have been approved.Using the regression relationships found between carcass composition and fat thickness together with results from earlier studies, it was estimated that the carcass separable fat proportion of British slaughter pigs has fallen at the annual rate of 7 g/kg since 1975.


Author(s):  
Matthew John Paul Tan

This chapter will explore the varieties of political thought informed by divine revelation as understood in the Christian tradition. It will do so with reference to the metaphysical assumptions of what happens when transcendence meets history, and accordingly divide the inquiry into three archetypes. The first are the monists, for whom transcendence collapses into the temporal. The second are the dialecticians, for whom the uncrossable distinction between heaven and earth results in a struggle between the two. The third are the participationists, for whom the transcendent and the historical can harmoniously cohere through a ‘mediating third’ plane. For each mode, a brief sketch will be given of the writings of exemplary thinkers, and of the promises and pitfalls. In highlighting this variety, the aim of charting this map is to nuance the discussion currently taking place concerning the motivations and modus operandi of religiously informed political actors.


not establish missions, even though they sometimes desired to do so. The first necessity was a body of people with the degree of commitment needed to live on someone else’s terms, together with the mental equipment for coping with the implications. Such commitment was in turn most likely to arise in the wake of powerful religious influences. Times of religious renewal were nec-essary for the recruitment of a sizeable company of such people, and the maintenance of a succession of them. A tradition of mental training, how-ever, was also needed; charismatic inspiration alone would not suffice, and indeed the plodder might succeed better with a new language and a new soci-ety than the inspired preacher. The second need was for a form of organization which could mobilize committed people, maintain and supply them, and forge a link between them and their work and the wider church. Since in the nature of things both their work and the conditions in which they carried it out were exceptional, the necessary structures could not readily emerge in very rigid regimes, whether political or ecclesiastical. They needed tolerance of the exceptional, and flex-ibility. The third factor necessary to overseas missions was sustained access to overseas locations, with the capacity to maintain communication over long periods. This implies what might be called maritime consciousness, with mar-itime capability and logistical support. All three factors were present in the first, Catholic, phase of the missionary movement. The Catholic Reformation released the spiritual forces to produce the committed worker, the religious orders offered possibilities of extension and adaptation which produced the structures for deploying them, and the Portuguese enclaves and trading depots provided the communication net-works and transoceanic bases. When in the course of the eighteenth century the Catholic phase of missions began to stutter, it was partly because the three factors were no longer fully in place. The Protestant movement developed as the Catholic movement weakened. It began, not at the end of the eighteenth century (that is a purely British per-spective) but at the end of the seventeenth; not in England, but in Germany and Central Europe. Its main motors were in Halle and Herrnhut, though, just as German Pietism drew on the English puritan tradition, it had a puri-tan prologue. William Carey’s Enquiry did not initiate it; the object of that


2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.


Author(s):  
Saskia T. Roselaar

Chapter 3 discusses economic change in Italy. It investigates economic activities carried out by the Italians independently from Roman interference. Many Italians were quick to take advantage of the possibilities offered by their association with Rome, such as the opening up of new markets for Italian products and safer sailing because of Roman control of the Mediterranean. These economic activities had important consequences for economic developments in Italy itself: many far-reaching changes took place in the third to first centuries, such as changes in settlement patterns and an increase in the scale of agricultural production. Nevertheless, not every change that occurred after the Roman conquest should be ascribed to the conquest itself. The second part of chapter 3 investigates the economic and cultural developments that occurred in four sample areas, in order to trace the level of economic integration as a result of macroeconomic developments in Italy.


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