scholarly journals Roundtable Report: Migration and Security: September 11 and Implications for Canada’s Policies

Refuge ◽  
2002 ◽  
pp. 49-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suman Bhattacharyya

On March 15, 2002, the Canadian Centre for Foreign Policy Development, in partnership with the Centre for Refugee Studies at York University, held a roundtable meeting in Toronto to assess the implications for Canada’s policies concerning migration resulting from the terrorist attacks of September 11. The purpose of this event was to draw on the knowledge and insight of participants from a wide range of civil society sectors to inform policy development. Discussants proposed a coherent framework for Canada’s migration policy that emphasizes the safety and well-being of migrants. Policy advice generated from this roundtable concerns Canada’s overall approach to migration policy; Canada’s immigration and refugee system; and continental and international implications for Canada’s policies.

KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Martins Amaral ◽  
Luiz Rosado Costa

Resumo: A partir dos atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001 e os ataques subsequentes em Madri e Londres, em 2004 e 2005, reforçou-se em escala global o discurso de securitização das políticas migratórias, com o recrudescimento do controle das fronteiras e a criminalização da imigração irregular. Com base nisso, no presente trabalho, analisa-se a convergência entre a política migratória e a política criminal no Brasil, com base no Estatuto do Estrangeiro de 1980 – elaborado em um contexto de securitização das migrações durante o período de Guerra Fria – e nas perspectivas de mudança com a nova lei de migrações, a Lei 13.445/2017. Esta nova lei, ainda em vacatio legis, traz a não criminalização das migrações como princípio da política migratória brasileira. Palavras-chave: Crimigração. Migração indocumentada. Política migratória. Política criminal. Abstract: Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent attacks in Madrid and London in 2004 and 2005, the discourse of securitization of migration policies has been strengthened on a global scale, with the resurgence of the control of borders and the criminalization of irregular immigration. Based in this scenario, in this paper, we analyze the convergence between migration policy and criminal policy in Brazil, based in the Foreigners Statute of 1980, elaborated in the Cold War context of securitization of the migrations, and in the new perspectives brought by the new law of migrations, the Law n. 13.445 / 2017. This law, still in vacatio legis, stablishes the non-criminalization of the migrations as a principle of Brazilian migration policy. Keywords: Brazilian migration policy. Criminal policy. Crimigration. Undocumented migration.


2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (7) ◽  
pp. 1343-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann Park ◽  
Valentina Bali

This study examines whether transnational terrorist attacks impact the political survival of leaders. We argue that external security threats, such as those from transnational terrorist incidents, can undermine incumbent target governments by exposing foreign policy failures and damaging society’s general well-being. Yet, terrorism may not destabilize democratic governments as a result of citizens rallying around their elected leaders in threatening times. Focusing on Archigos’ survival leadership data and International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist Events’ terrorism data for the 1968–2004 period, we find that autocrats who experience higher instances of transnational terrorist attacks are more likely to exit power. Democrats, however, are relatively secure to the destabilizing influence of transnational terrorism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah K. Knudsen ◽  
Paul M. Roman ◽  
J. Aaron Johnson ◽  
Lori J. Ducharme

In the weeks following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, social commentators argued that America had profoundly “changed.” In light of these arguments and the literature on disasters, we examine the immediate and longer-term mental health consequences of September 11th using a national sample of fulltime American workers. We model the effects of temporal proximity to the attacks on depressive symptoms and alcohol consumption, while controlling for demographic characteristics. Our data revealed a significant increase in the number of depressive symptoms reported during the 4 weeks after the attacks. In the subsequent weeks, levels of depressive symptoms returned to pre-September 11th levels. Contrary to expectations, there was some indication of decreased alcohol consumption after September 11th, although these effects were modest. These analyses provide little support for popular assertions that September 11th resulted in lasting and measurable impacts on Americans' well-being.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine V. Scott

Many analyses of U.S. foreign policy after September 11 have rested upon readings of the U.S. as a traditional imperialist power. In so doing, the constructions of Al Qaeda as a decentralized corporation and a virtual network are often ignored. Corporate and network constructions place less stress on conventional threats to the nation-state and instead portray terrorism in distinctively post-Fordist terms. This in turn helps explain the short-lived and partial patriotic responses to the terrorist attacks, as well as the contradictory place of race in portrayals of the threat facing the U.S. Together these discourses point to new ways of thinking about U.S. nationalism and terrorism in the twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
Iskren IVANOV

Russian foreign policy today incarnates the double-headed eagle of smart power perceptions and Neo-Eurasian ideology. The main purpose of this article is to examine the emergence and development of Russian smart power by analyzing the foreign policy concepts of the Russian Federation after September 11. In this paper, I will argue that Moscow’s smart strategy is much similar to the American concept of smart power, but only in terms of its purpose. The article’s assertion rests on the assumption that smart power allowed Washington to sustain its global dominance after the terrorist attacks from September 11, and alternately – could help Russia to consolidate Eurasia. The Coronavirus Pandemic, of course, will have long-term consequences for the international security. Finally, I will conclude that if Moscow wants to maintain the Russia-dominated security system in Eurasia, it should develop its original concept of smart power.


Author(s):  
Gregorio Bettiza

The chapter identifies the constellation of desecularizing actors embedded in postsecular modes of thinking responsible for the emergence and evolution of the Muslim and Islamic Interventions regime in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11). It highlights the multiple desecularizing processes taking place in American foreign policy as this has sought to increasingly target, pacify, and reform Muslim politics and Islamic traditions in the context of the war on terror. In terms of global effects, the chapter argues that the regime is potentially shaping the lives and religiosity of Muslims around the world along American interests and values; that it is contributing to religionizing world politics through processes of categorization and elevation; and that it is central to wider global policy networks seeking to promote moderate Muslims and Islam. The conclusion compares the Muslim and Islamic Interventions regime with the regimes examined in previous chapters, and considers developments taking place under President Trump.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-73
Author(s):  
Paul R. Powers

The ideas of an “Islamic Reformation” and a “Muslim Luther” have been much discussed, especially since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. This “Reformation” rhetoric, however, displays little consistency, encompassing moderate, liberalizing trends as well as their putative opposite, Islamist “fundamentalism.” The rhetoric and the diverse phenomena to which it refers have provoked both enthusiastic endorsement and vigorous rejection. After briefly surveying the history of “Islamic Reformation” rhetoric, the present article argues for a four-part typology to account for most recent instances of such rhetoric. The analysis reveals that few who employ the terminology of an “Islamic Reformation” consider the specific details of its implicit analogy to the Protestant Reformation, but rather use this language to add emotional weight to various prescriptive agendas. However, some examples demonstrate the potential power of the analogy to illuminate important aspects of religious, social, and political change in the modern Islamic world.


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