Chinese Foreign Policy In period presidency Both of Mao Zedong and Deng Chao Bing: A comparative study

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Adnan Khalaf Hamid

The Chinese foreign policy may have been associated in the personal and political decision-maker as we find fluctuate fluctuated between those who hold decision Chinese solo of the magnitude of his leadership, "Mao Zedong" or for possession of the three authorities in his hand "Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the state presidency and the presidency of the Military Committee," and the collective leadership actress of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, and a small leadership groups to address urgent crises. And also I thought it was the Communist ideology adopting the Stalinist model, at the beginning of the PRC in 1949 until 1978.    And began his leadership of China in the new track, the opposite of the old path, because contrary to policies of the past irrationality, and works on the application of an economic system Rashid aims to modernize China, which moved from a simple, isolated from the outside world to significant in foreign policy, its international impact of the State of the State.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-210

This article discusses the foreign policy projection and the global influence of China. In the past few decades, China has been one of the biggest forces on the planet, from being an impoverished country disconnected from the global community. It is important to understand what drives Chinese foreign policy and how strong China will be in the future. Like several leaders before him, President Xi Jinping has stepped up commitments to expand China's global footprint by economic and political means. Many policy-makers argue that China's growth is imminent. It is clear from the extension of the military, social, economic, and diplomatic networks that China wants to improve its international community role. This review would analyze China's different policies to outline its development goals. Moreover, different scenarios are discussed to assume what Chinese future foreign policy priorities could entail for regional and worldwide players.


Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (6) ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
N. Litvak ◽  
N. Pomozova

Received 03.07.2020. This article represents a stage in a comprehensive interdisciplinary study of foreign policy institutions and personalities of the People’s Republic of China since the late 1990s. to November 2019. During this period there was a rapid growth in the economic, technological and cultural development of the country, which both allowed and demanded a greater foreign policy activity of China, which until then was focused on internal, maximum, regional problems. At the same time, people and institutions, that shaped and implemented this new foreign policy also developed and changed. The periods between the congresses of the Chinese Communist Party with the corresponding renewal of political leadership and foreign policy priorities correlate with the prevalence of human resources with certain biographical criteria (place of birth, higher education and practical work) in the Foreign Ministry and the International Department of the CPC Central Committee, those who were born in the East of the country, studied and worked in Europe, and not in the United States and Russia, as one might suppose on the basis of the discourse, for many decades concentrated on the military confrontation between the main nuclear powers. This article examines the biographies of key employees of the CPC International department in connection with the formation of foreign policy in the context of the overall development of China. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded, firstly, about the strengthening of the technocratic approach to foreign policy specialists, which takes into account, first of all, their expert qualities, even in such a party structure as the CPC Central Committee International department, instead of the ideological approach that dominated in the past. Secondly, personnel dynamics are influenced by the specifics of the work of the International Department, which is currently aimed at maximizing the implementation of opportunities for cooperation, primarily of an economic nature, in the Eurasian direction, while the Foreign Ministry has the main current task of confronting the United States and regional rivals. Third, the revealed correlation and long-term effects of such a personnel policy can also stimulate Russian activity in terms of training the next generations of foreign policy human resources on the Chinese direction.


2019 ◽  
pp. 458-466
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials of the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those of the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region to examine the development of uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) in the Vyatka gubernia in late 1918 and the first half of 1919. In late 1918 the Vyatka gubernia became the Civil War battleground. When Perm was taken, the White Guard began to threaten Vyatka. Meanwhile, the political situation in the gubernia was tense; peasants, townspeople, and workers had their grievances against the Bolshevik policies. The existing uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) were unprepared to work in the immediate battle area. Fearing for the fate of the Eastern front, the Central Committee of the party sent a commission to Vyatka headed by Stalin and Dzerzhinsky. It was to carry out a wide range of measures to reorganize party and Soviet work. The power was taken by the Military Revolutionary Committee. The novelty of the study is in the fact that archival materials are used to assess the circumstances of the ARCP (B) organizations. These circumstances can be defined as those of a permanent crisis; the party organizations were ill-adapted to the extraordinary conditions of the Civil War. The narrowing of the party’s social base caused, first of all, by food policies forced the gubernia committee to cleanse party organizations and staff them up with well trusted personnel. The author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown facts. The analysis of archival material allows to conclude that party work lapsed because party organizations seemed ineffective in the days of the anti-Soviet uprisings of summer and autumn of 1918 and while the Civil War raged. Conflicts, squabbles, intra-party struggles became an everyday occurrence. Party organizations constantly faced infiltration of persons with opposing views who sought to avoid mobilization or improve their financial situation.


Author(s):  
Mohamad Zreik

China has a large and professional diplomatic team spread all over the world. Chinese diplomacy mainly relies on soft power in its relations with international partners. Despite the unified outlines, Chinese foreign policy differs from one country to another, depending on the geographical location, the political system and the volume of trade exchange. Chinese foreign policy has gone through many stages, most notably the period of Mao Zedong who strictly applied the rules of socialism, and the period of Deng Xiaoping, known for its reform and openness policy, thus establishing a modern and more flexible Chinese system. President Xi Jinping's term is an extension of Deng Xiaoping's rule of thumb, but with more openness to international partners and economic expansion, especially with the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. This paper deals with China's foreign policy towards Myanmar, and refers to the development of bilateral relations and China's interest in a distinguished relationship with Myanmar. The research indicates the strategic factors that make China interested in developing the relationship with Myanmar.


Subject The Trump administration's policy on the Libya conflict. Significance In recent weeks, the United States has pursued a more active foreign policy towards Libya. This is a departure from its position of the past eight years of ‘leading from the back’ on Libya and comes as US President Donald Trump faces an impeachment investigation and elections in November 2020. With the vote approaching, Trump's opponents have increasingly criticised his position on Moscow, drawing attention to the presence of Russian mercenaries in Libya. Impacts Ties with Egypt, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and the relative influence Russia has with them, will weigh on the administration’s thinking. The State Department may push more actively for a ceasefire when a conference of external actors in Libya takes place in Berlin. A ceasefire could fragment the forces fighting Haftar without robust external guarantees that his forces would not violate it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
María José Pérez del Pozo

Islam has been part of Russian history and culture since the 7th century, actively collaborating in the process of building the State, developing relationships with other social groups, with whom it has shared spaces, history, and assimilation policies. However, the Muslim community has played an asymmetrical in the State, occupying a peripheral position in political, military, and economic affairs, for long historical periods. Throughout the 1990s, religion became an element of nationalist vindication against federal power, fueled by the entry of a radical transnational Islam imported from the predominantly Sunni Middle Eastern countries. The two Chechen wars and the subsequent management of the area by Moscow have favored the application of a new analysis scheme based on ethnicity-security, which generalizes a negative interpretation of Islam in Russia. The division of Muslim religious institutions has not facilitated inter-ethnic dialogue or relations with the Kremlin. The study of Russian strategies to face the challenge of Islam has traditionally been oriented to the analysis of the security dimension, focusing on the military responses of the security organs of the Russian State, since the dysfunctionality of the political system and the absence of Policies based on respect for individual rights have prevented the appearance of other initiatives that consider inter-ethnic and interreligious coexistence in a state declared secular. However, we can also consider the study of Russian initiatives applying the approach of the study of the foreign policy of states to analyze the use of religious diversity in the achievement of certain foreign policy objectives. In this sense, the work addresses the role of military groups from the Caucasus, integrated into Russian federal forces, within the Syrian conflict. Finally, the programs related to the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) in the Northern Caucasus, with their limitations, also show a certain change in the implementation and management of new methods to stop the regional insurgency.


Author(s):  
Randall Collins

The historical shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy is the key organizational transformation of the past thousand years. Classically, patrimonialism was organization based on private households, plus alliances among them. But there are two types of patrimonial organization: expanded households and patrimonial alliances or pseudo-tribes. The latter include ad hoc warrior coalitions, frequently organized as fictive kin. The main historical cause of the shift from patrimonialism to bureaucracy was the military-fiscal revolution and ensuing state penetration into society. But patrimonial politics did not entirely disappear. In some areas, the state fails to penetrate, leaving the possibility of mafia-style organization. Elsewhere, political machines are a mixed form of incomplete bureaucracy. Gangs are patrimonial organizations, growing in dialectical conflict with bureaucratic penetration and efforts at control. Through a comparison of American, Sicilian, and Russian mafias, the questions considered are whether crime organization recapitulates the history of the state, why some gangs become bigger than others, and why organized crime succeeds or fails in varying degrees.


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