scholarly journals Assessment of the patriotic self-consciousness of the student youth of the Primorsky Territory

2021 ◽  
pp. 138-153
Author(s):  
Сергей Николаевич Мартышенко

Состояние патриотического воспитания молодежи в постсоветский период нуждается в критическом анализе и осмыслении. В современном информационном пространстве многократно возросла активность по негативному влиянию на молодежь. Для разработки эффективных инструментов противодействия информационным атакам на молодежь необходимо проводить постоянный мониторинг социально-политического портрета молодежи в различных регионах страны. Цель исследования состоит в комплексном изучении процесса формирования патриотического сознания и поведения молодежи, как необходимого условия и важнейшей составляющей политической стабилизации современного российского общества. Эмпирической базой исследования послужили данные онлайн опросов студенческой молодежи Приморского края, проведенные в 2019 в 2021 году. Опросы производились с использованием Google-форм в интернет. В опросе приняли участие 1290 респондентов. Оценка состояния патриотических воззрений молодежи позволяет выявить риски и проблемные зоны в процессе реализации патриотического воспитания молодежи. Особое внимание в исследовании уделяется выявлению особенностей социально-политического портрета молодежи Приморского края на основе анализа отношения молодежи региона к некоторым устойчивым выражениям, связанным с темой патриотизма. По результатам исследования можно сделать вывод о том, что в настоящее время уровень патриотического воспитания молодежи нельзя признать вполне соответствующим современным вызовам. The state of patriotic education of young people in the post-Soviet period needs critical analysis and comprehension. In the modern information space, the activity on the negative impact on youth has increased many times over. To develop effective tools to counter information attacks on young people, it is necessary to constantly monitor the socio-political portrait of young people in various regions of the country. The aim of the research is to comprehensively study the process of forming patriotic consciousness and behavior of young people, as a necessary condition and the most important component of the political stabilization of modern Russian society. The empirical basis of the study was the data of online surveys of student youth of the Primorsky kray, conducted in 2019 in 2021. Surveys were conducted using Google forms on the Internet. 1290 respondents took part in the survey. Assessment of the state of patriotic views of young people makes it possible to identify risks and problem areas in the process of implementing patriotic education of young people. The study pays special attention to identifying the features of the socio-political portrait of young people in Primorsky kray based on the analysis of the attitude of young people in the region to some stable expressions associated with the theme of patriotism. According to the results of the study, it can be concluded that at present the level of patriotic education of young people cannot be recognized as fully consistent with modern challenges.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 582-594
Author(s):  
T. N Yudina ◽  
Yu. N Mazaev ◽  
S. V Babakaev

Under permanent transformations in all spheres of life in the Russian society, the dynamics of the political-ideological views of people, their attitudes to the choice and implementation of the strategic directions of social development become especially important. Russian scientists prefer the ideas of the crisis of liberal ideas, growth of conservatism, left turn, and consider the state ideology a way to overcome the ideological split in the society and to ensure its unity and integrity. At the same time, some opposite tendencies are often ignored in the scientific analysis, which leads to misunderstanding of the real development of the ideological situation in the post-Soviet period. The article aims at filling this gap based on the analysis of the dynamics of the Russians key political-ideological orientations in the last quarter of the century. Based on the empirical data of the sociological monitoring How are you, Russia? and the authors research, the article describes the dynamics of the Russians views, ideological and political orientations. In particular, the study confirmed the hypotheses about the decreasing role of ideology, societys ideological polarization, mosaic ideological views of Russians, and the loss by ideological markers of the political structure of their status of terminal values. The authors conclude that the blurred ideological orientations would not allow the state ideology to overcome the existing eclecticism of ideological views without a contemporary welfare legal state that would replace the hybrid regime.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-35
Author(s):  
Galina S. Shirokalova

The article analyzes the results of a sociological study of the historical memory of students about the World War II in general (and the Great Patriotic War in particular), conducted by the Russian Society of Sociologists in 2020, as well as materials from surveys of other research teams. The author comes to the conclusion that historical memory is formed, first of all, by the information field, set by state institutions or encouraged by them (school, mass media, network resources). Contradictory assessment of the events of the twentieth century led to the rupture of the historical memory of generations and the formation of a large group of people ready to accept the revision of the geopolitical results of the war from the standpoint of history falsifiers. The attitude of young people to the past, without taking into account the cause-and-effect liaison of the events of that time, is explained not only by the extinction of communicative memory for the departure of war generations, the desacralization of their life, deed, death. The range of factors is much wider. Since there is no integral picture of the history of the USSR, there is no value core for assessing events of the Great Patriotic War either. In the absence of historical hygiene in the Russian Federation, the entire Soviet period turns into historical antiques for new generations. They treat this in different ways: with reverence, condescension, aggressiveness, indifference, but it is excessive for the daily life of the majority. The slogan “If required, we repeat / can repeat”, replicated on May 9, is nothing more than a short-term emotional reaction, including to PR management, but not the readiness / mindset / promise of action in a real war. The opposition of the state to the country, that is reflected in the popular among young people song of the group Lumen, actually testifies to alienation from both the state and the country, since there is no one without the other. Questions are inevitable: how adequate are the methodologies and techniques based on which social scientists choose the range of factors that form the portrait of modern youth and predict the direction of further socialization of its individual groups? How many meaningful collaborators should there be to lose / win a civilizational battle in which historical memory is only one of the components? According to the author, the conditions and opportunities for the realization of the desired worldview values ​​in modern Russia adjust the attitude to the present and the life strategies of young people to a greater extent than historical memory.


Author(s):  
Andrey Vladimirovich ZHIGULSKIY

An experience of the Soviet State – Russian society relations through the 1932–1933 famine is under analysis. The approaches of different authority levels (local, regional, central) to the famine problem are viewed as well as their foundations of the electoral tactics. Special attention is focused on the local and regional authorities as they held the keys to the people’s welfare. The activities of the political departments with their authorization, covering and interaction the people and local authorities were studied to highlight their strengths and weaknesses. The “famine tactics” and behavior of rural population is also viewed. The roots of profiteering and normal trade are traced to clear their role to solve the crisis. The effectiveness and the lawfulness of the trials and their verdicts to the officials and the ordinary collective farmers are evaluated. The sources of the investigation are kept in the State Archives of Social and Political History of the Tambov Region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 231-246
Author(s):  
M. A. Yadova

. The article focuses on the perceptions of the generation of post-Soviet youth about the collapse of the USSR. An attempt to analyse the reasons for the favourable and “nostalgic” attitude to the USSR on the part of those who, due to their age, have no experience of Soviet life is made. It is shown that, according to mass surveys, attitudes towards the collapse of the USSR depend on the age of respondents: older generations predominantly perceive the collapse of the Soviet Union negatively, while among young people (especially in the youngest cohort of 18-24-year olds) the number of those who are not upset about the collapse of the USSR exceeds the number who regret it. The dynamics of public opinion on this event have been erratic in recent years, strongly influenced by the “Crimean effect”: during the Crimean crisis – 2014, the number of those regretting the collapse of the USSR rose sharply, but, years later, it has returned to its previous level. The data of the author’s study devoted to the problem of perception of post-Soviet transformations and the 90s in general by young Russians are given. The study conducted has shown that young people’s attitudes towards the post-Soviet period in Russian society are mainly based on clichés about the “wild” nineties that have been replicated in the Russian media. In their assessments, young people often rely on the views of parents (or other older relatives) and teachers. The mythology of young people’s perception of the events of December 1991 and their internal distance from the last decade of the XX century, as well as their poor knowledge of Soviet and post-Soviet realities of life are noted. The conclusion is drawn that some young people’s interest in the Soviet past stems from dreams of a prosperous and just society of equal opportunities, from which today’s Russia is so far removed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 245-255
Author(s):  
Rostislav F. Turovsky

The article is devoted to the study of the party model of Russian parliamentarism in post-soviet period. The focus is on the issues of party representation and its correlation with the distribution of the managerial positions and introduction of collective legislation at State Duma. These issues are examined from the point of view of reaching cross-party consensus and implementation of fair parliament party representation principle. According to the author Russian parliamentarism model aims at reaching full-fledged party consensus that corresponds better to the principles of popular representation than strict parliament polarization along the line of “authority-opposition”. Understanding of those issues by the majority of the players was noted from the very start of the State Duma activities, in spite of the acute conflicts in the 1990-ies.The author draws the conclusion that the equation of party representation continues to grow at the level of managerial positions in the parliament that allows to improve cooperation of the parties and to reduce authority and opposition conflicts. Thereby the Russian parliamentarism model makes an important contribution to the stabilization of socio-political situation of the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 49-52
Author(s):  
Yusup Guseynov

The article is based on archival materials, field ethnographic material and examines the problem of youth radicalism in the post-Soviet period. In the XXI century the second regular process of recruiting young people into the ranks of terrorists began. However, thanks to the official clergy (the Muftiate of the Republic of Dagestan), state authorities, public associations of the Republic, the process of radicalization of young people has stopped.


Author(s):  
Patricia Hill Collins

For youth who are Black, Indigenous, female, or poor, coming of age within societies characterized by social inequalities presents special challenges. Yet despite the significance of being young within socially unjust settings, age as a category of analysis remains undertheorized within studies of political activism. This essay therefore draws upon intersectionality and generational analyses as two useful and underutilized approaches for analyzing the political agency of Black youth in the United States with implications for Black youth more globally. Intersectional analyses of race, class, gender, and sexuality as systems of power help explain how and why intersecting oppressions fall more heavily on young people who are multiply disadvantaged within these systems of power. Generational analysis suggests that people who share similar experiences when they are young, especially if such experiences have a direct impact on their lives, develop a generational sensibility that may shape their political consciousness and behavior. Together, intersectionality and generational analyses lay a foundation for examining youth activism as essential to understanding how young people resist intersecting oppressions of racism, heteropatriarchy, class exploitation, and colonialism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


Author(s):  
I. N. Konovalov ◽  
◽  
A. S. Azarova ◽  
D. N. Markin ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is concerned with the phenomenon of extremism among youth. Analyzing the features of modern youth extremism the authors substantiated their conditioning by social, age, historical, and cultural factors. Young people tend to protest and reject the existing system, all-or-nothing thinking. While the phenomena identified as extremism today, repeatedly arose in the process of historical social development. A distinctive feature of the majority of extremist organizations at the present time is their focus on the issues of national identity or the political structure of the Russian society and state, using the principles of a totalitarian sect. In their activities destructive religious organizations themselves are also, as a rule, based on radical ideas, which is why they are recognized as extremist. The article presents the findings of the sociological study conducted in Saratov’s higher educational institutions. Based on the analysis of the study results the authors came to the conclusion that extremist sentiments among student youth are growing towards representatives of various nationalities and religions. The authors assumed that in order to successfully counter youth extremism, first and foremost it is necessary to clearly distinguish its causes, rooted in the society itself and shortcomings of state youth policy, from the forms of its manifestation that have social and group specific features.


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