Intersectionality, Black Youth and Political Activism

Author(s):  
Patricia Hill Collins

For youth who are Black, Indigenous, female, or poor, coming of age within societies characterized by social inequalities presents special challenges. Yet despite the significance of being young within socially unjust settings, age as a category of analysis remains undertheorized within studies of political activism. This essay therefore draws upon intersectionality and generational analyses as two useful and underutilized approaches for analyzing the political agency of Black youth in the United States with implications for Black youth more globally. Intersectional analyses of race, class, gender, and sexuality as systems of power help explain how and why intersecting oppressions fall more heavily on young people who are multiply disadvantaged within these systems of power. Generational analysis suggests that people who share similar experiences when they are young, especially if such experiences have a direct impact on their lives, develop a generational sensibility that may shape their political consciousness and behavior. Together, intersectionality and generational analyses lay a foundation for examining youth activism as essential to understanding how young people resist intersecting oppressions of racism, heteropatriarchy, class exploitation, and colonialism.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-51
Author(s):  
Rita Faire

Lualhati Bautista's Dekada '70 (1983) is a mainstay of Philippine high school reading. It tells the story of Amanda Bartolome and her five sons during the titular decade as they live under the shadow of Martial Law. And while youth activism is at the core of Dekada's narrative, existing scholarship on the book does not adequately reflect this. This article begins the work of addressing this gap by identifying schemas of Filipino children's and young people's participation in the socio-political sphere through the characters of the Bartolome brothers and reading them through the lens of Diane M. Rodgers's typology of children as social movement participants.


Author(s):  
Sunaina Marr Maira

In The 9/11 Generation, Sunaina Marr Maira uses extensive ethnography to understand the meaning of political subjecthood and mobilization for Arab, South Asian, and Afghan American youth. Maira explores how young people from communities targeted in the War on Terror engage with the “political,” forging coalitions based on new racial and ethnic categories, even while they are under constant scrutiny and surveillance, and organizing around notions of civil rights and human rights. The 9/11 Generation explores the possibilities and pitfalls of rights-based organizing at a moment when the vocabulary of rights and democracy has been used to justify imperial interventions, such as the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Maira further reconsiders political solidarity in cross-racial and interfaith alliances at a time when U.S. nationalism is understood as not just multicultural but also post-racial. Throughout, she weaves stories of post-9/11 youth activism through key debates about neoliberal democracy, the “radicalization” of Muslim youth, gender, and humanitarianism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-223
Author(s):  
David M. Hart

This article traces the political development of the Control Data Corporation (CDC) and its founder and chief executive officer, William C. Norris, from the firm’s formation in 1957 until his departure from its leadership in 1986. Norris was entrepreneurial in his political strategy, taking large risks to pursue what he perceived to be large opportunities in such areas as antitrust, trade policy, and poverty alleviation. Indeed, his perceptions of these opportunities often diverged substantially from those of others in the computer industry and the broader corporate and policy communities. The article links these differences to Norris’s personal circumstances, the business situation of CDC, and the broader political currents of the times. The experiences of Norris and CDC suggest that business historians need a more expansive and flexible conception of the political attitudes and behavior of business leaders and of the business-government relationship in the United States.


2017 ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Pablo Christian Aparicio ◽  
Sergio Ignacio Carbajal

ResumenEn el ámbito de las políticas públicas en Argentina, los jóvenes aparecen cada vez más definidos como actores estratégicos del desarrollo y en su figura se deposita la sostenibilidad y la realización del proyecto histórico y social.Sin embargo son los mismos jóvenes quienes experimentan serias dificultades al momento de gestionar sus proyectos biográficos e itinerarios educativos y laborales.En un contexto dominado por la expansión de las desigualdades sociales, las carencias de expectativas futuras, la invisibilización política y la postergación institucional. En este mismo escenario la actual políticaeducativa se muestra insuficiente para afrontar los nuevos desafíos inherentes a la participación, la cohesión y la inclusión social plena.Por este motivo, en el presente artículo se reflexionara sobre la Educación en términos de una herramienta de transformación social capaz de dinamizar procesos de inclusión social y empoderar los intereses y las demandas de los jóvenes.Palabras clave: Desigualdad socioeducativa, Jóvenes, Instituciones educativas, Participación, Reforma educativa en Argentina.AbstractIn the area of public policy in Argentina, young people are increasingly defined as strategic actors of development and its sustainability set is deposited and the realization of social and historical project. But it is the same young people who experience serious difficulties when managing their biographical projects and education and employment pathways.In a context dominated by the expansion of social inequalities, lack of future expectations, the political invisibility and institutional delay. In this scenario the current educational policy to be inadequate to meet the new challenges inherent in participation, social cohesion and inclusion full. Therefore, in this article reflect on education in terms of a tool capable of energizing social transformation processes of social inclusion and empower the interests and demands of young people.Key words: Inequality rehabilitative, Youth, Educational Institutions, Participation, Educational Reform in Argentina.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-33
Author(s):  
Svetlana Doskach ◽  
Lіubov Kostyk

The article presents a theoretical analysis of informative and manipulative influence on the socio-political consciousness and behavior of modern youth. The interpretation of consciousness in the psychological and political areas has been revealed, which makes it possible to consider information technologies as an important attribute of influence on political consciousness. There has been conducted the analysis of the psychological components of informative and manipulative technologies, which defined as the dominance of the spiritual state of the individual, the imposition of thoughts, ideas, attitudes, values and management of behavior in favor of the subject of influence. There has been revealed the idea that the favorable socio-political conditions encourage the media to exert influence by manipulating the political consciousness and behavior of young people. The opinion has been clarified, that the use of communication technologies, that optimize the implementation of policy actors of their tasks and responsibilities through rational means, sequence of actions, development of an appropriate algorithm of behavior, result in the implementation of human activities to achieve socially significant goals, including political one. In the context of this issue, the role of the media in the political processes of society has been revealed, where they act as a means of manipulative influence aimed at transforming the political consciousness of young people. The factors influencing the political consciousness of young people have been analyzed, where the most influential are: granting the right to edit, adding their own conjectures; distortion of information; submission of false information; being reticent about major events; being ahead of the curve. However, the main reason for the effects of informative and manipulative influence lies in the personal scope, where it is important to have the ability to think critically, to analyze, interpret, defend the point of view, have strong energy and will, to have different forms of verbal influence of optimal mechanisms of thought and actions appropriate to the situation. Methods of effective counteraction to informative and manipulative influences have been determined. The main one is the ability to distribute information in the associative space, when one constructs the absence of intersection of the discussed events by associative connection with other unrelated events. Due to effective approaches, modern youth has the opportunity to stop being a "passive mass" and become active citizens who defend their opinions, make independent decisions and form their own patterns of behavior.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Du Boff

Since the 1980s welfare state protections have been blamed for a host of economic problems. In the United States, conservatives have always disliked Social Security but could not effectively attack this popular program until the 1980s, when they devised a new tactic—warning young people that they would never get their “money's worth” from Social Security, which is on the brink of “bankruptcy.” The political climate, dominated by a drive to cut back “big government,” also became favorable for attempts to destabilize Social Security politically. Thus, negative images of Social Security have been forced onto the public agenda, and economists who consider themselves “liberal” have uncritically accepted this new set of political “givens.” It is an example of how they address “crises” as separable issues tied to no particular social context.


Author(s):  
V. Sh. Surguladze

In the context of rising social inequalities and worsening problems associated with the need to establish a cross-cultural dialogue between representatives of different civilisations, of particular urgency is a new understanding of the socio-political phenomenon of fascism. In the political sense of the word fascism as an expression of the right socio-political orientation remains relevant and should be comprehensively investigated, especially in conditions when the radicalization of the society’s structures has serious grounds — the growth of social inequality; unemployment; the deterioration of the criminal situation; a significant influx of immigrantsrepresentatives of a different cultural environment; the activation of political and social groups willing to use radical rhetoric to achieve their own goals and come to power. The radicalization of the political environment in Ukraine and other countries, the racial problems in the United States caused by the unprecedented influx of immigrants, the growth of ultra-right sentiments in Western Europe, the challenge posed to the world by the Islamic State (prohibited organization in Russia) — all these facts suggest that fascism as a radical ideological direction and political practice does not lose its relevance, and under certain circumstances may well become a political practice again. The author attempts to systematise approaches to understanding the concept of fascism, represent a summary of different aspects of the fascism phenomenon.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 365-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Kettell

The category of the 'non-religious' has been subject to increasing academic attention in recent years, but questions about the political mobilisation of non-religious actors remain substantially under-researched. This article addresses this issue through a comparative analysis of non-religion in the United States and Britain. Drawing on theoretical insights from Social Movement Theory, it argues that political mobilisation is shaped by varying patterns of conflict between religious and non-religious actors, as well as within and between non-religious groups themselves.


Author(s):  
Suzanne Staggenborg ◽  
Marie B. Skoczylas

This chapter examines the history of feminist struggles for abortion and reproductive rights in the United States. It analyzes why these issues continue to mobilize participants in opposing movements. Symbolic politics are an important reason for the longevity of the conflict, and issues of abortion and reproduction are connected to concerns about gender and sexuality. Movement/countermovement dynamics also help to keep the conflict alive; when one side wins a victory, the other side gains impetus for mobilization, and the opposing movements follow one another into new arenas. Feminist strategies and frames have continued to adapt to changes in the political and cultural climate. As different constituents organize, including young women and women of color, they contribute new frames and tactics to the struggle for abortion and reproductive rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Babatunde Oyedeji

Despite the plethora of findings and feelings surrounding federalism and the acerbity of the cynical discomfort at the negative nuances about the ideology, the federal system has produced stable and settled societies in Canada, Australia, the United States of America, India, Germany, Switzerland, New Zealand, Brazil, Malaysia and Mexico. Nevertheless, the frequent conclusion is its inherent attraction to ‘inevitability of instability’ generally in Africa and specifically in Nigeria. This typology seems to apply to developing countries more than others, in any case, at least nineteen countries containing some 40% of the world’s population. This puts and acute pressure on Nigeria, the surviving big federal country in Africa. It can be asked, did the British leave meaningful alternatives to federalism whilst ruling Nigeria between 1900 and 1914 and 1960? Can’t it not be deduced that federalism was indeed a natural product of decisions and phenomena like the Indirect Rule, the political activism on the part of Southern Nigerian politicians. Was the complex nature of Nigeria’s federalism a product of residual colonialist autocracy? The paper aims at delving into variants contributing to the sticky challenge and complexities of the Nigerian federation. It would be expository and analytical as it examines the advantages and attractions prior to the shortcomings and deficiencies of federalism. There would be references to the applicability of these deductions to the Nigerian example.


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