scholarly journals The Second Constitutional Monarchy Period which is an Important Milestone in Turkish Political Traditional: Power, Politics, Bureaucracy

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Zübeyir Barutçu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
Turkish State ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy ◽  
Important Milestone

The second constitutional monarchy period is an important milestone in both the customs and legacies it handed down to Turkish political culture and the specific characteristics of the period. The movement which a group of enlightened people and especially the young Turks lead made II.Abdülhamit declare the constitutional monarchy in 1908. From this point of view, we can say that the constitutional monarchy is the most comprehensive democratic movement in the Ottoman State. However, for the Young Turks who were the founders of freedom, the problem of saving the country rather than freedom was the main aim of their politics. The second constitutional monarchy is the first sample of multiparty system. With the collapse of monarchy, a constitutional system was formed and political parties which are indispensables of democracy were established. This inevitably contributed the development of democratic culture in power/opposition conflict. But, this disagreement focused "intolerance" in politics rather than increasing the ability of conflicting culture acceptance. An important aspect of the second constitutional monarchy is that it passes the strong burocracy tradition on commonwealth burocracy. This situation has closely impressed Turkish state tradition. Another issue that makes the period important is the thoughts and actions of Young Turks. in the direction of this data, rather than what the second constitutional monarchy has brought, how this return has affected the political power tradition in view of political heritage and in what aspects it has influenced the burocracy and democracy tradition have been aimed in this study. Several scientific sources related to the topic have been searched and a point of view has been reached in order to reach this aim.

Reichstag Connections in Pre- and Interwar Germany

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-185
Author(s):  
Alexander Opitz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Connections ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

Abstract This article documents widespread connections between stock companies and active or retired politicians in Germany during two distinct political regimes: constitutional monarchy and democracy. These differed largely regarding possible channels of influence, along with the power of the parliament. Despite the theoretical differences, the overall share of connected firms is approximately the same, implying that linking up with the Reichstag was already attractive in Imperial times. Moreover, the prevalence of political connections varied largely between sectors and political parties.

scholarly journals The ‘drifting Generation’ without a Helmsman. Main obstacles in shaping the Relations between the Political Parties and the Youth in Poland

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-351
Author(s):  
Radosław Marzęcki
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
Efficient Communication ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Discourse Understanding

Abstract In the article the author presents data to identify the most important obstacles hindering efficient communication between political parties and Polish youth. The main assumptions accepted by the author are related to the belief that the Central and Eastern European countries are still trying to figure out ways of dealing with the key challenges related to transformation – the (re)creation of the civil society and a new, democratic culture of political discourse. Understanding that all social change is evolutionary and is a part of some social movement, the author assumes that the post-communist societies now face a chance to meaningfully accelerate this process. The chance is related to the young generation of citizens – often of the same age as the democracies themselves.

scholarly journals Public Perception regarding Weak Organizational Structure of Political Parties in Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 142-149
Author(s):  
Naushad Khan ◽  
Syed Ali Shah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
The Military

The weak political organization of nearly all political parties is another contributing factor in political instability. No democratic culture prevails inside all political parties; all political parties, with the exception of very few, has been ruling by one family, and mostly are dominated by one family or person; their party of the election has been mostly blamed as selection and not an election. The scope of all parties has been limited to certain areas, religion and nationalities. .As a result of weak organizations of political parties and dominant rule of the military do not allow any government to form a government alone; all political parties rely on other political parties to form government in centre as well as province.

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

"Stability, in Whatever Guise"

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Status Of Women ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines the rhetoric of the March crisis as well as the ideals proferred and the programs espoused by both sides. In the wake of the March crisis, the Command Council of the Revolution (CCR) announced steps to end the period of transitional rule and facilitate the return of parliamentary life. It also proclaimed an end to all press censorship. The chapter first considers the debates over issues confronting the CCR, including the constituent assembly that would work on a new constitution, the idea of limiting the number of political parties in Egypt, and the political, economic, and social status of women. It also discusses the impact of the March crisis on the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) and other communist movements, along with the notion that the liberal intelligentsia failed to support the revolution.

Edward C. Thaden, with the collaboration of Marianna Forster Thaden, Russia's Western Borderlands, 1710-1870. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 1984. Pp. 278.

2004 ◽  
pp. 339-339
Author(s):  
L. R. Lewitter
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Princeton University ◽  
Economic Stagnation ◽  
International Power ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Right

This chapter evaluates Edward C. Thaden's Russia's Western Borderlands, 1710–1870 (1984). The territories in question are Finland, Estonia, Livonia, Courland, Lithuania, White Russia, the right bank Ukraine and the Kingdom of Poland. The fate of the areas whose eastern portion had been the ‘borderlands of Western civilization’ is all too familiar: annexation, attempts at integration with the Empire, Russification fiercely resisted by the Poles, repeated insurrections, a recurrent state of crisis marked by the frequent imposition of martial law, economic stagnation (except for the Kingdom) or plain backwardness, and undue delay in the emancipation of the peasantry. All this was due to the state of affairs which Polish lethargy, Russian expansionism, and international power politics had engendered in the latter part of the 18th century to the subsequent detriment in varying degrees of Russians, White Russians, Lithuanians, Poles and Jews. Such advantages as may have accrued to sectional interests, the bureaucracy and the official Church for example, are not clearly shown. The ease and empathy with which the authors of this piece of administrative history adopt a Russocentric, indeed Petropolitan point of view and enter into the rigid and narrow frame of mind of tsarist officialdom is both astonishing and disturbing.

Mobilizing Diaspora in Turkey and the Dominican Republic

2020 ◽  
pp. 91-120
Author(s):  
Katrina Burgess
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Counter Narratives ◽  
Turkish State

Chapter 5 compares the cases of Turkey and the Dominican Republic, both of which have above-average turnout in homeland elections by their citizens abroad. In each case, the prior “export” of domestic politics under authoritarian rule sparked the transnationalization of political parties and created incentives for political leaders to court migrants as an electoral constituency. As a result, diaspora-making became a mobilizing project aimed at cultivating partisan loyalties. The chapter also reveals two key differences between these cases. First, the Turkish state has pursued more heterogenous goals with a wider range of policy instruments, including both state-based and party-based mechanisms of outreach. Second, Turkey’s contested identity politics lend more resonance to nationalist appeals to migrant loyalty while sparking counter-narratives. These differences help explain why extraterritorial turnout is so much higher in Turkey than in the Dominican Republic.

scholarly journals Political mediation and participation in the Czech rural areas

2008 ◽  
Vol 54 (No. 12) ◽  
pp. 575-581
Author(s):  
J. Čmejrek
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Rural Community ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Fragmented Population ◽  
Rural Municipalities ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Municipal Election

The objective of this paper is to show the mediation between citizens and political power by political parties in Czech rural areas. The position of political parties in rural municipalities is demonstrated in two perspectives. The top-down perspective is based on the distribution of several tens of thousands mandates in local municipal councils between political parties. The opposite perspective provides the bottom-up point of view – from the level of the individual municipalities, their party systems and party organisational structures. The analysis of the municipal election results reveals clearly that the role of political parties in local politics depends namely on the size of the given municipality. In this sense, the Czech Republic represents a very interesting example as it is characterised by a dense and heavily fragmented population settlement with a large number of small rural municipalities. In rural municipalities, we encounter incomplete party spectra and the absence of political parties in the smallest municipalities. Besides, the lists of candidates in rural municipalities reveal the weakness of the local party organisations that cannot avoid cooperating with the independent candidates. The small distance between the citizen and the elected body in a rural community significantly determines the forms of the local politics; the ideological and party mediation is superfluous, in fact, it is often seen as something harmful which divides the rural community.

Dynamics of Selection of Regional Heads in Indonesia in the Reformation Era

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1490
Author(s):  
Fifiana WISNAENI
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
National Development ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Selection Of

The regional head as the organizer of the government in the region is also an extension of the central government, has a pretty heavy task, therefore in order for the State's goals to be achieved, regional heads must be chosen that are truly credible, qualified and qualified, so that it can bring success to regional development in carrying out government affairs as mandated by the Act, which will ultimately have a positive impact, in the form of support for national development. This research is intended to examine, criticize and analyze which are expected to provide solutions related to the development of the authority to form laws in the constitutional system of the Republic of Indonesia. The formulation of the problem in this study are the dynamics of regional elections in Indonesia in the reformation era and the implications of the dynamics of regional elections in the Indonesian constitutional system. The method of approach used in this study is normative juridical, which is an approach that uses the positivist concept which states that law is identical with written norms created and enacted by authorized institutions or officials. The dynamics of regional head elections in Indonesia in the Reformation era include the conditions for pairs of candidates for regional head elections and the mechanism for regional head elections. Pairs of regional head candidates must be proposed by political parties or a combination of eligible political parties.  

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