scholarly journals AN ATTEMPTS OF THE LEGAL CONSIDERATION OF RUSSIAN AUTHOCRACY’S INTERESTS DURING THE WORK ABOUT THE «RULES WICH MALOROSSIAN PEOPLE USING FOR COURT», 1743

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Russian People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Legal Legitimacy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
State Body

The article is devoted to the historical and legal study of the attempts to secure the legal interests of the Russian autocracy in the course of codification work on the drafting of the project "Rights judged by the Little Russian people" in 1743. The text of the monument itself and other historical sources as well as scientific literature are analyzed. topics. It is emphasized that already in the first half of XVIII century. the imperial government set itself the goal of achieving a rapprochement, and in the future, of unifying the legal system of the Hetmanate and Russia. It was for this purpose that a codification commission was created in its first composition in 1728. Decrees of the Government of the Russian Empire in 1728 and 1734 pp. she was granted the status of a state body, and her work was the nature of official systematization of the current legislation in the Hetmanate in the form of codification. It was found that the imperial government, through its representatives in Ukraine, as well as through its higher bodies, the College of Foreign Affairs and the Senate, closely followed the work of the Commission and often issued decrees to hasten the drafting of the Codex. Attention is drawn to the vivid attempts to secure the legal interests of the Russian autocracy in the course of work on the rights under which the Little Russian people are being judged, which, in particular, were found in the chapter "On the highest honor and power of the monarchy." It was here that the prerogatives of the "high-monarchic estate" were enshrined, which apparently constituted a borrowing from the legislation of Peter I and some other sources of law. It was emphasized that during the course of the codification work, which had been carried out for fifteen years and ended in 1743, the Russian autocracy had not been able to fully realize its purpose and impose a code on Ukraine, the norms of which would fully copy the relevant rules of imperial law. Contrary to the task, it still largely reflected the legal norms that existed in the current jurisprudence or in the social consciousness of the overwhelming majority of the elite of the Ukrainian population. In "Rights ..." the most clearly defined are those privileges, to which the Cossack elders and nobles have so eagerly sought legal legitimacy for several decades. That is why the draft code was not officially approved and was buried in the imperial archives.

scholarly journals THE LEGAL BACKGROUND FOR THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE'S EXPANSION TOWARDS THE BALKANS (late XVIII – second half of the XIX centuries)

2019 ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
O. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
National Policy ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Regulatory Documents ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
Legal Method ◽  
The Social ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article is aimed to define the preconditions for the legal background for the Russia's expansion towards the Balkans (late XVIII – second half of the XIX centuries) and its peculiarities listed in the interstate treaties and the Russian Empire's legal system. To achieve the defined goal and the set objectives of this paper various methods of the scientific research have been used. First of all, owing to the dialectic method the dynamic of the changes in the directions of the Russian expansion towards the Balkans has been defined. The content s of various legal norms relating to the subject of our research has been expertised by means of the hermeneutical method. The historical legal method is the main one used to conduct the research. It has been used for the analysis of the regulatory documents together with the social and political circumstances causing their adoption and future use. The multidisciplinary method enables d the author to analyse a great number of the historical sources concerning the way how Russian legal proscriptions influenced the Balkan population. As a result, it is stated that basic tendencies of Russian Empire's foreign policy implementation date back to the legal background created by Peter the Great. These tendencies include artificial guardianship towards "one-minded Christian peoples", widely spread use of conquered nations for the sake of achieving strategic goals and the pronounced assimilatory direction of the national policy. Those issues were implemented in the Russian-Turkish treaties signed in the XVIII– XIX centuries. There were listed artificial guaranties for of the Balkan nations' security based mainly on the mercantile goals. The Tsar's manifests and other regulatory documents defining peculiarities of the policy towards certain Balkan nations were arranged in a declarative manner. The author concludes that the Russian Empire used all possible legal and organizational tools to spread its expansion all over the Balkans.

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

Les "langues immigrées" face à l'école française

1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabrielle Varro
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Large Fraction ◽  
Private Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
French School ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Volunteer Associations

SUMMARY "Immigrant Languages" and the French School System The situation of children who continue to be called "immigrant" in France, even though most of them were born or raised there, is paradoxical to say the least. On one hand, the government seeks to integrate the foreign communities established in France, and this would tend to relegate language maintenance to the sphere of private life. But at the same time, education experts have since 1970 imposed the idea that a foreign child will only learn his or her second language well (French in this case) only if he or she first learns to speak, read and write his/her "mother tongue" or "language of origin". Such culturally determined notions have dictated specific policies in the public schools which in fact often serve to create segregation. This article attempts, in sociolinguistic and historic perspective, to analyze a situation which concerns a large fraction of the school population in France, in four parts: (1) The status of foreigners and their languages in France and the social representations surrounding them; (2) Government policy concerning foreign pupils and languages in public schools since 1970; (3) Volunteer associations and "mother tongue" maintenance; (4) Family strategies. RESUMO "Enmigrulaj lingvoj" : kaj la franca lerneja sistemo La situacio de tiuj infanoj, kiujn, kvankam naskitaj kaj edukitaj en Francio, oni daŭre nomas "enmigrintoj", estas, minimume dirite, paradoksa. Unuflanke, la registaro celas integrigi la eksterlandajn komunumojn establitajn en Francio, kaj tio emus al sovo de lingva konservado al la sfero de la privata vivo; sed aliflanke edukistoj ekde 1970 trudas la ideon, ke eksterlanda infano bone lernos sian duan lingvon (ci-kaze la francan) nur se li/si unue lernos paroli, legi kaj skribi sian "denaskan lingvon" au "lingvon de origino". Tiaj kulture determinitaj nocioj diktis specifajn politikojn en la publikaj lernejoj, kiuj ofte kreas izoligon. La aŭtoro celas, laŭ socilingvistika kaj historia perspektivo, analizi situacion, kiu tuŝas grandan nombron de lernejanoj francaj, en kvar stadioj: la statuso de eksterlandanoj kaj iliaj lingvoj en Francio, kaj la sociaj prezentiĝoj, kiuj ĉirkaŭas ilin; registara politiko pri ekster-landaj lernejanoj kaj lingvoj en publikaj lernejoj de post 1970; volontulaj asocioj kaj konservado de "denaskaj lingvoj"; familiaj strategioj.

scholarly journals Bund and the use of terrorism in political struggle (1897–1907)

2018 ◽  
pp. 60-64
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Gula
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Police Department ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
The Masses

The subject of this article is the views of the General Jewish Labour Bund in Lithuania, Poland and Russia (Bund) on the use of terrorist methods in the political struggle. An analysis of the evolution of party’s views on this issue is carried out on the basis of personal testimonies from members of the Bund, as well as documents of the Police Department. Chronologically, the article covers the period from the creation of the Bund to the end of the revolution of 1905. During this period, the revival of terrorism in the Russian political arena was taking place: the escalation of socio-economic and ethnic conflicts under the conditions of an autocratic monarchy had an inevitable consequence the surge of violence. The Bund, on the one hand, the Social-Democratic Party, and on the other — the leading political force 64 ISSN 2524-0757 Київські історичні студії: науковий журнал • № 2 (7), 2018 р. of nationality discriminated against in the empire, faced on difficult choice. Official party resolutions condemned terrorism, since this method left the masses passive. The struggle against the existing regime in this case was conducted only by individual heroes. At the same time, attempts by the government to maintain the authority of the autocratic monarchy among the society were completed by the search for enemies, convenient to see in the Jews, especially given their low integration into the imperial society. Therefore, a situation need self-defense: at the initiative of the Bund the paramilitary formations are founded. In 1905 this formations played a role in ending of the pogrom wave, that rocked by the cities and towns of the West and South-West provinces of the Russian Empire.

Developing akoya pearl culture on the Australian east coast, challenges and constraints.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne O'Connor ◽  
Michael P. Heasman
Keyword(s):  
East Coast ◽  
Pearl Oyster ◽  
Recent Attempt ◽  
South Wales ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Benign Nature ◽  
The Government ◽  
Local Opposition ◽  
Independent Commission

Abstract Developing aquaculture in increasingly urbanized societies poses significant challenges. An example has been the recent attempt to establish a pearl industry in the sub-tropical waters of New South Wales (NSW) on the Australian east coast. NSW is Australia's most populous state with the vast majority of the population and development occurring along its coast. This development has led to conflict over land and water use. In 1993, interest began in developing a marine pearl industry using the native pearl oyster Pinctada imbricata. The NSW Government was approached and research was undertaken to establish the status of the P. imbricata population in NSW, its amenity to culture, its capacity to produce high quality pearls and the likely impacts that a pearl industry might have. In 2001 the first application to establish a 92 ha commercial farm was made, which met with considerable local public opposition. Concerns regarding the social, economic and environmental impact were raised and the government responded by establishing an independent Commission of Inquiry. While the Commission recommended that, with certain constraints, the farm could proceed, the government ultimately overturned the decision citing environmental concerns and refused the development application. A subsequent, significantly altered application was lodged in late 2003, but this application also met with local opposition and was similarly refused in mid-2004. Despite research confirming the environmentally benign nature of the proposal and the confirmation of economic viability, the failure to initially effectively allay public concerns ultimately prevented the acceptance these two applications. The future of a pearl industry in NSW is now unclear.

Political situation in Thailand: authoritarianism versus democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Nataliya G. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Current Stage

The article analyzes the features of the current stage of political development in Thailand, which are characterized by the collision of two trends - authoritarianism and democracy, which resulted in the establishment of a quasi-democratic regime. Despite the formal existence of democratic institutions of power - parliament, an independent court, and parties-none of them works for representative democracy, while maintaining their attachment to the interests of the traditional political establishment - the army, the bureaucracy, and big business. The article gives an assessment of the current political situation, which is characterized by the development of the democratic movement. The lack of opportunities for the opposition to transit to democracy within the framework of the parliamentary struggle explains the growth of street protests with the participation of young people. The student unrest that has engulfed the country over the past year and a half is a response of the democratic-minded segments of society to the strengthening of authoritarianism in the country's governance, with the accompanying infringement of civil rights and freedoms. The demands made by the anti-government forces ultimately amount to the reform of the political system. Their call for reform of the institution of the monarchy should also be viewed from this perspective. However, the lack of a broad democratic coalition limits the influence of student protests on the government. Assessing the prospects for the country's political development, the author comes to the conclusion that street protests alone will not change the status quo in politics. The potential influence of young people on the sphere of politics depends on mass support, which is possible only if the requirements put forward by them meet the social demand that forms the society.

Problems and Unproblems in Soviet Social Theory

Slavic Review ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis S. Feuer
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Intellectual Community ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Mathematical Sciences ◽  
The Government ◽  
Life Work

The status of sociology and philosophy in the Soviet Union is radically different from that of the physical and mathematical sciences. The sociologists and philosophers are still regarded by the government as ideologists, whereas the mathematicians and physicists are considered scientists; and the ideologist is in low repute in the Soviet intellectual community. Thirty years ago, Nikolai Bukharin observed in a remarkable essay that the cultural style of the current Soviet period would be technicism, and that the humanities and historical sciences would be relegated to the background. He believed that this “one-sidedness“ was founded on the economic requirements of the time. Probably, however, the hollowness in the life of the Soviet ideologist is equally responsible for his low estate. The sociologists and philosophers are not regarded as independent thinkers; their job as ideological workers is to provide a documentation and footnoted commentary on the decisions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Young men of ability consequently tend to avoid choosing a life work in the social sciences and philosophy. Why, they say, should they sacrifice their intellectual independence at the outset of their lives?

Social, Cultural and Material Conditions of Students from Developing Countries in Italy

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-369
Author(s):  
Renato D'Arca
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
High Rate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legislative Action ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Material Conditions ◽  
University Degree ◽  
Recent Immigration

Recent immigration to Italy features certain traits, one of which is the high rate of educational attainment by immigrants. According to various evaluations (ISPES, 1990), 59 percent of the immigrant population obtained a high school diploma, while 13.5 percent possessed a university degree. For approximately five years, the CE.R.FE. (Research and Documentation Center) has conducted research on the social, cultural and material conditions of immigrant university students, highlighting the ambiguity of their condition (in addition to their perceptions of themselves) oscillating continuously between the status of student and immigrant. In particular, sample research was conducted 2 on non-EC university students present in Milan, Perugia, Rome, and Bari. The study was able to compare data collected at different times to information in a first study conducted in 1986, 3 and a second completed in 1990. It is interesting to note that these different research periods coincided with intensive legislative action by the government promulgated two laws regulating non-EC immigration, Law No. 943/86 and Law No. 39/90. Increased interest on the part of the government as well as of the public and press toward the immigration problem influenced – even though marginally – the development of the students’ non-EC immigrant perceptions of themselves and their roles.

Research Facilities in Tunisia

1972 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
Michelle Raccagni
Keyword(s):  
Social Science Research ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Ministry Of Education ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Part Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
The University

Research in the social sciences in Tunisia is stronger than it is in most Arab countries and compares favorably with Lebanon and Egypt. The several reasons for this position include an increasingly favorable attitude by the government toward the benefits of research, strong leadership within the Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Economiques et Sociales (CERES), the long financial support of the Ministry of Education and the Ford Foundation, and the large number of higher degree holders who are motivated for research. CERES, a section of the University of Tunis, is the focus of the social science research with a full and part-time staff of more than sixty professionals. While most of the staff have been trained in France, several have taken higher degrees in North America. Because of the rapid increase in the number of foreign researchers in the past few years, it will only be a matter of time before an incident occurs and the government places conditions or restrictions on all research activities. A serious incident has so far been avoided in large part because of the close communication that most foreigners have maintained with their Tunisian colleagues.. The single most important thing that can be done to maintain the present research climate, in addition to the usual courtesies, is the distribution of both preliminary and final reports of research for comment and publication. Distribution should include the relevant ministries plus those individuals who personally aided the work. The editors of the Revue des Sciences Sociales Tunisiennes, the periodical of CERES, are interested in publishing articles in either French or English, as well as short pieces on the status of research.

scholarly journals TO THE DISCUSSION OF THE PROSPECTS FOR THE EVOLUTION OF THE RUSSIAN AUTOCRACY INTO A BOURGEOIS MONARCHY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE JUDICIAL REFORM OF 1864)

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-381
Author(s):  
T.P. Evseenko
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
State System ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Judicial Reform ◽  
Class System ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article deals with the problem of opportunities for reforming the social and state system of the Russian autocracy. The example of the Judicial reform of 1864 shows the limits of the tsarism's ability to reform. The author considers the preservation of the class system in the Russian Empire as the main reason for incomplete reforms. The desire to preserve the privileges of the nobility by any means did not allow the government to realize the real needs of society. Without seeing the emergence of new social classes, the government could not protect their interests. At the same time, the autocracy imposed on society its understanding of its interests. This policy has led to a distortion of the ideological development of the Russian bourgeoisie, making it unable to independently protect even the most important of its own interests. Therefore, the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution had to be solved by other, anti-bourgeois forces in the course of the socialist revolution.

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