scholarly journals THE LEGAL BACKGROUND FOR THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE'S EXPANSION TOWARDS THE BALKANS (late XVIII – second half of the XIX centuries)

Author(s):  
O. Ivanov

The article is aimed to define the preconditions for the legal background for the Russia's expansion towards the Balkans (late XVIII – second half of the XIX centuries) and its peculiarities listed in the interstate treaties and the Russian Empire's legal system. To achieve the defined goal and the set objectives of this paper various methods of the scientific research have been used. First of all, owing to the dialectic method the dynamic of the changes in the directions of the Russian expansion towards the Balkans has been defined. The content s of various legal norms relating to the subject of our research has been expertised by means of the hermeneutical method. The historical legal method is the main one used to conduct the research. It has been used for the analysis of the regulatory documents together with the social and political circumstances causing their adoption and future use. The multidisciplinary method enables d the author to analyse a great number of the historical sources concerning the way how Russian legal proscriptions influenced the Balkan population. As a result, it is stated that basic tendencies of Russian Empire's foreign policy implementation date back to the legal background created by Peter the Great. These tendencies include artificial guardianship towards "one-minded Christian peoples", widely spread use of conquered nations for the sake of achieving strategic goals and the pronounced assimilatory direction of the national policy. Those issues were implemented in the Russian-Turkish treaties signed in the XVIII– XIX centuries. There were listed artificial guaranties for of the Balkan nations' security based mainly on the mercantile goals. The Tsar's manifests and other regulatory documents defining peculiarities of the policy towards certain Balkan nations were arranged in a declarative manner. The author concludes that the Russian Empire used all possible legal and organizational tools to spread its expansion all over the Balkans.

The article is devoted to the historical and legal study of the attempts to secure the legal interests of the Russian autocracy in the course of codification work on the drafting of the project "Rights judged by the Little Russian people" in 1743. The text of the monument itself and other historical sources as well as scientific literature are analyzed. topics. It is emphasized that already in the first half of XVIII century. the imperial government set itself the goal of achieving a rapprochement, and in the future, of unifying the legal system of the Hetmanate and Russia. It was for this purpose that a codification commission was created in its first composition in 1728. Decrees of the Government of the Russian Empire in 1728 and 1734 pp. she was granted the status of a state body, and her work was the nature of official systematization of the current legislation in the Hetmanate in the form of codification. It was found that the imperial government, through its representatives in Ukraine, as well as through its higher bodies, the College of Foreign Affairs and the Senate, closely followed the work of the Commission and often issued decrees to hasten the drafting of the Codex. Attention is drawn to the vivid attempts to secure the legal interests of the Russian autocracy in the course of work on the rights under which the Little Russian people are being judged, which, in particular, were found in the chapter "On the highest honor and power of the monarchy." It was here that the prerogatives of the "high-monarchic estate" were enshrined, which apparently constituted a borrowing from the legislation of Peter I and some other sources of law. It was emphasized that during the course of the codification work, which had been carried out for fifteen years and ended in 1743, the Russian autocracy had not been able to fully realize its purpose and impose a code on Ukraine, the norms of which would fully copy the relevant rules of imperial law. Contrary to the task, it still largely reflected the legal norms that existed in the current jurisprudence or in the social consciousness of the overwhelming majority of the elite of the Ukrainian population. In "Rights ..." the most clearly defined are those privileges, to which the Cossack elders and nobles have so eagerly sought legal legitimacy for several decades. That is why the draft code was not officially approved and was buried in the imperial archives.


Author(s):  
L. Mohylnyi

In the article, the formation of national beliefs of the well-known Ukrainian public and political figure Oleksandr Cherniakhivsky at the end of the XIX-th century has been analyzed. The significance and influence of the Ukrainian Hromada and its most famous representatives, V. Antonovych, O. Konyskyi, on the development of young O. Cherniakhivsky’s outlook and the formation of his attitude towards the ways of solving the Ukrainian issue in the Russian Empire have been considered. Also, the article analyzes the participation of O. Cherniakhivsky in various cultural, educational and scientific projects in which the scientist had an opportunity to realize that the destructive national policy of the Russian Empire hindered the development of the Ukrainian nation as well as other peoples of the state. On the basis of archival materials and unpublished sources it has been revealed that O. Cherniakhivsky perceived his membership in the "Brotherhood of Tarasivtsy", the participation in the Kyiv Old Hromada, and the organizational work at the Ukrainian Scientific Society in Kyiv as a personal contribution to the development of domestic science and, generally, as an opportunity for the Ukrainian people to prove their right to exist as a whole nation in spite of resistance from the Russian power. Furthemore, the social and political convictions of O. Cherniakhivsky and their continuous evolution during the revolutionary period of 1917-1918 and the struggle for independence in 1918-1921 have been investigated. It has been revealed that at that time he gave up the method of revolutionary struggle. Instead, he chose the evolutionary preparation of compatriots to the formation of their own statehood through the establishment of major public institutions such as the Ukrainian People's University, the Medical Faculty, and the Association of Ukrainian Doctors, etc. Moreover, O. Cherniakhivsky considered an established system of scientific knowledge and terminology to be a necessary ingredient of the development of the Ukrainian nation. Therefore, throughout all his life he was engaged in the improvement of scientific dictionaries, terminology and popularization of the Ukrainian scientific language.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-115
Author(s):  
Dietmar Neutatz

The Russian Constitutional Experiment, 1906–1918: On the Relationship between Tradition and Modernity The revolution of 1905 turned the virtually unlimited autocracy of the Russian Empire into a constitutional monarchy. However, this experiment survived the fall of the Tsar in 1917 by only a few months and was obliged to give way to the Bolshevik dictatorship. This article investigates how far the failure of constitutionalism in Russia was due to the special circumstances surrounding the crisis of 1917, or whether it is better explained by the ill-conceived application of a notion imported from Western Europe that could not be grafted onto indigenous Russian traditions. The article discusses the competing concepts of Western-style parliamentarianism on the one hand and a ‹Russian› ideal of direct popular representation on the other (i.e. the ‹Zemskij Sobor› dating from the era before Peter the Great). It investigates the constraints within which the State Duma worked, and the social and political practice of Russian constitutionalism between 1906 and 1918, in order to analyse how deeply rooted constitutional concepts were in late Tsarist society. Special attention is paid to the following themes: the capacity of the Duma to address practical problems; the changing character of political culture; new forms of the public sphere and the growth of civil society; the relationship between parliament and the peasantry; the activities of both supporters of a parliamentary order and their right- and left-wing opponents; and finally the importance of ‹Russian›-style counter-proposals to ‹Western›-style constitutionalism during the crisis years of 1917/18.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 44-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. V. Klepikova

The paper discusses the philosophical and historical doctrine of the Russian philosopher and historian George Petrovich Fedotov. The author focuses on the analysis of imperial issues in the works of G.P. Fedotov, especially of his views on the cultural history of the Russian empire and the essence of imperial project in Russia. Fedotov reconsiders the historical experience and revolutionary catastrophe of Russia and searches for the foundations of the social and cultural processes determining the events of Russian history. Fedotov’s works offer a variety of interpretations of the political and cultural phenomenon of empire. This reflects his evolution as a philosopher of history: the focus of his vision shifts from the Medieval Rus to the Empire of Peter the Great, then to the collapsed empire of Nicholas II and finally to the USSR (the latter was also an empire according to him). Fedotov’s concept of Empire evolves into a timeless cultural-philosophical phenomenon but originates from the historical description of the centralization of power in the feudal monarchy of Ivan the Terrible. The evolution of the philosophical and historical views of Fedotov is influenced by the changes of his attitude to the historical conception of Klyuchevsky. In the 1940s Fedotov considers the empire as a universal idea. The concept of empire proposed by Fedotov gives an understanding of the Russian historical development, especially the causes of the decline and fall of the Russian Empire. Fedotov associates the cause of the salvation of Russia with the study of ancient Russian culture, in which he founds a moral and political ideal of the “Republic of Saint Sophia.” The paper shows heuristic potential of Fedotov’s cultural and philosophical ideas on the vocation of spiritual elite and the creative role of personality in the process of nation-building.


2021 ◽  
pp. 292-307
Author(s):  
S. A. Ikonnikov

The article is devoted to the study of the role of clergy and clergymen of the Voronezh diocese in the fight against the spread of the cholera epidemic of 1892-1893. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the contribution of the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church to countering the spread of infectious diseases has practically not been studied. It is noted that in the Russian Empire, Orthodox clerics were not only ministers of the altar, but also performed a number of socially significant functions. Based on a wide range of historical sources, the author analyzes the attitude of the population of the Voronezh province to cholera disease. The educational activity of clerics, the participation of clergy in organizing aid to parishioners are considered. It is emphasized that the clergy were closely associated with the peasant population of the empire, daily contact with them during the divine service. The study showed that the state tried to use the experience and knowledge of the clergy and clergymen, considering them as the social support of the autocratic system. The author concludes that the parish clergy and clergymen played an important role in the fight against infectious disease, not only participating in educational activities and spiritually supporting the population, but also providing those in need with initial medical assistance.


2020 ◽  
pp. 125-135
Author(s):  
Miloš Stanić

With the development of communication technologies, it has become clear that it is necessary to create an adequate legal framework in order to protect personal data. One of its indispensable elements is the creation of an independent supervisory body for the protection of personal data. By using comparative legal method, on the example of four neighbouring countries, of which all were members of the ex-communist bloc and are the EU membership candidates, author tried to find out certain common legal solutions within these countries regarding the election of their members seeking to achieve their independence. The author also gives appropriate critical view concerning certain solutions. These countries were chosen because, in the historical and social sense, they went and are going through what Serbia is going through in the process of joining the European Union. It has to be noted that the goals guaranteed and proclaimed by legal norms do not always have to be achieved in practice. However, one must also be aware that a valid legal framework is the first step, without which the proclaimed goals cannot be achieved. This is where the social justification of the scientific study of this topic is reflected.


Lituanistica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Mastianica-Stankevič

Due to the social and national policy of the government in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the majority of the Lithuanian intelligentsia was forced to seek civil service not in ethnic Lithuania but rather in other governorates of the Russian Empire. Rimantas Vėbra, who studied the social structure of the Lithuanian intelligentsia of the nineteenth century, concluded that almost 60 per cent of people from Lithuania who had completed higher education worked outside the boundaries of the North-western Region. This article discusses the problem of the shortage of the intelligentsia differently from what has been discussed in previous studies before: not by identifying the problem of the “lost intelligentsia” and its roots, but by addressing the question of how much the Lithuanian intelligentsia itself tried to address the problem, why and what methods were proposed to overcome it. The main source of the study is the Lithuanian periodical press and works of fiction, which reflect the collective thinking of the intelligentsia deeper than letters or diaries, and, most importantly, show the reflection of ideas, the context of their dissemination, and allow at least a partial assessment of the discussions and impact of ideas. In the public discourse of the problems of the intelligentsia, the issue of the shortage of the Lithuanian intelligentsia was seen as a tragedy of the nation, primarily due to the inability of the intelligentsia to organize and mobilize the masses of society to work for the benefit of the nation. Fears about the employment of the intelligentsia outside ethnic Lithuania were periodically voiced in the illegal Lithuanian press at the end of the nineteenth century; however, the views on this problem did not differ significantly. A rather peculiar promotional campaign was conducted in the public discourse of that time, defined by its moralization, castigation, and the encouragement to stay in Lithuania. A Lithuanian intellectual who had left the country was seen primarily as someone who renounced his duties to society and was compared to a person without moral principles. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the consideration of the problem of the shortage of intelligentsia changed direction and a search for specific solutions to this problem began. On the one hand, the Lithuanian intelligentsia hurried to assess the changes, first of all in education and partly in the national policy of the Russian government. Therefore, the Lithuanian intelligentsia encouraged the public to establish private schools, hospitals, and associations of an economic nature. On the other hand, people became aware that it was impossible to prevent the loss of the intelligentsia under the existing conditions of employment in Lithuania. For this reason, the Lithuanian intelligentsia, especially its younger generation, sought means to strengthen the spiritual ties of the young people in higher education with their homeland, so that even if they chose to work in the inner governorates of the Russian Empire they would remain nationally engaged and socially active. At the same time, there were suggestions in the public discourse of the intelligentsia of that time to boost engagement in the career guidance of young people, taking into account more favourable employment and working conditions in ethnic Lithuania. The representatives of the Lithuanian intelligentsia who wrote for the periodical press encouraged young people to prioritize professional activities in the fields of law and medicine and to actively join the teaching profession. Meanwhile, in ethnic Lithuania, various groups of the Lithuanian professional intelligentsia were organised: the first associations of medical workers and teachers were established and specialized professional publications were launched. It was hoped that the cooperating representatives of the Lithuanian professional intelligentsia would make a cultural, moral, and, perhaps, political impact on the life of Lithuania. In parallel, other measures that could slow down the migration of the Lithuanian intelligentsia were considered in the public discourse of the problems of the intelligentsia: the intellectuals were advised not to give up job opportunities in rural areas. The expectations were that the increase of intellectuals in rural areas would stimulate faster modernization of the Lithuanian village and would encourage it to faster absorb all economic and cultural achievements. However, in the first decades of the twentieth century, the solutions to the problem of the shortage of Lithuanian intelligentsia considered in the public discourse were isolated cases. Also, they were more theoretical in nature than a precisely elaborated programme for strengthening the Lithuanian intelligentsia in ethnic Lithuania. In other words, when assessing the public discourse on the problem of the shortage of Lithuanian intelligentsia, we should first of all talk about the search for ideas and solutions rather than their coordinated implementation. In addition, it should also be noted that in the public discourse of the issues of the intelligentsia, ways to overcome the problem of its shortage were searched and discussed most actively from 1905 to 1907, which, in turn, may have promoted a lift in the general mood of society related to the events of 1905, in the hope of significant changes in the policy of Russian government. However, as the hopes of the Lithuanian society, and more precisely of the Lithuanian intelligentsia, faded (the network of professional schools in ethnic Lithuania remained essentially unchanged, no fundamental shifts took place in the employment of Lithuanians in the civil service), it was concluded that a successful solution to the problem of the shortage of the Lithuanian intelligentsia could only be found after a change of the political situation in the Russian Empire, and at the same time in Lithuania.


2021 ◽  
pp. 337-356
Author(s):  
A. V. Makarov ◽  
N. Yu. Gusevskaya ◽  
A. S. Petrov

The problem of improving the criminal liability of the subjects of the Russian Empire at the end of the nineteenth century for espionage and spilling state secrets to a foreign state is considered. The relevance of the study is due to the importance of the problem under study for the effective functioning of the Russian state. The study is based on historical sources of a regulatory and legal nature and is interdisciplinary in nature. Particular attention is paid to the study of legal norms, the identification of the type and amount of punishments for the commission of espionage by Russian citizens and spilling the state secrets to a foreign state. It is indicated that in the second half of the 19th century, the intensity of intelligence of foreign secret services in the territory of the Russian Empire increased. It is noted that more and more often foreign powers involved Russian subjects in the process of obtaining Russian secrets. At the same time, the analysis of the sources made it possible to reveal a sufficient limitation of the institution of counteracting espionage and disclosure of state secrets to foreign states in the Russian Empire at the end of the 19th century. It is proved that it was precisely these phenomena at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries that determined the authorities’ desire to progressively improve legal mechanisms that counteract threats and challenges to national security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Zachary Nowak ◽  
Bradley M. Jones ◽  
Elisa Ascione

This article begins with a parody, a fictitious set of regulations for the production of “traditional” Italian polenta. Through analysis of primary and secondary historical sources we then discuss the various meanings of which polenta has been the bearer through time and space in order to emphasize the mutability of the modes of preparation, ingredients, and the social value of traditional food products. Finally, we situate polenta within its broader cultural, political, and economic contexts, underlining the uses and abuses of rendering foods as traditional—a process always incomplete, often contested, never organic. In stirring up the past and present of polenta and placing it within both the projects of Italian identity creation and the broader scholarly literature on culinary tradition and taste, we emphasize that for so-called traditional foods to be saved, they must be continually reinvented.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Alexey L. Beglov

The article examines the contribution of the representatives of the Samarin family to the development of the Parish issue in the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The issue of expanding the rights of the laity in the sphere of parish self-government was one of the most debated problems of Church life in that period. The public discussion was initiated by D.F. Samarin (1827-1901). He formulated the “social concept” of the parish and parish reform, based on Slavophile views on society and the Church. In the beginning of the twentieth century his eldest son F.D. Samarin who was a member of the Special Council on the development the Orthodox parish project in 1907, and as such developed the Slavophile concept of the parish. In 1915, A.D. Samarin, who took up the position of the Chief Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, tried to make his contribution to the cause of the parish reforms, but he failed to do so due to his resignation.


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