Problems and Unproblems in Soviet Social Theory

Slavic Review ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis S. Feuer

The status of sociology and philosophy in the Soviet Union is radically different from that of the physical and mathematical sciences. The sociologists and philosophers are still regarded by the government as ideologists, whereas the mathematicians and physicists are considered scientists; and the ideologist is in low repute in the Soviet intellectual community. Thirty years ago, Nikolai Bukharin observed in a remarkable essay that the cultural style of the current Soviet period would be technicism, and that the humanities and historical sciences would be relegated to the background. He believed that this “one-sidedness“ was founded on the economic requirements of the time. Probably, however, the hollowness in the life of the Soviet ideologist is equally responsible for his low estate. The sociologists and philosophers are not regarded as independent thinkers; their job as ideological workers is to provide a documentation and footnoted commentary on the decisions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Young men of ability consequently tend to avoid choosing a life work in the social sciences and philosophy. Why, they say, should they sacrifice their intellectual independence at the outset of their lives?

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikitin ◽  
Irina Bolgova ◽  
Yulia Nikitina

This article analyses the peace-making activities of Soviet/Russian nongovernmental public organisations (NGOs) with reference to the Federation for Peace and Conciliation, the successor of the Soviet Peace Committee. NGOs were formed at the initiative of the state and party organs of the Soviet system but were transformed into independent NGOs after the collapse of the USSR with their own active strategy of assistance in conflict resolution. This study is based upon unique archive materials and the personal experience of one of the authors, who used to work for such organisations. The study focuses on the ethnopolitical conflicts which took place between the collapse of the USSR and the mid‑1990s. There is a widespread opinion in academic literature that so-called non-governmental organisations set up by the government do not have their own identity, especially during social crises, and passively follow the government’s political line. However, the study of their activities demonstrates that during the first years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, these organisations initiated a significant number of practical and political projects with the participation of high-ranked representatives of the governments, parliaments, and political parties of both post-Soviet and foreign states and international organisations, including the UN, OSCE, NATO, CIS, etc. This, in turn, played a role as a substantial supplement to classical interstate diplomacy and practically promoted the settlement of certain ethnopolitical conflicts. The archive materials analysed prove that in the early post-Soviet period, a certain inversion in the direction of political and ideological impulses took place, and a number of non-governmental organisations that used to transmit the interests of the Communist Party and state organs to the international environment were able to create new international projects and consultations in the form of “track one-and-a-half” diplomacy, i. e. the informal interaction of officials in the capacity of unofficial experts. And in such cases, it was NGOs which shaped the agenda and transmitted public interests to the state structures of Russia and the CIS states, mediating between fighting sides and amongst representatives of various states, practically assisting the settlement of ethnopolitical conflicts.


1936 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1143-1152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Starr

In 1934, the Soviet Union rounded out the first great cycle in its development. The fruition of the Five-Year Plan, the general collectivization of agriculture, the entry of the Soviet Union into the councils of the nations of the world—these and many other successes of the Communist régime were evidences of great achievement. Peace and order and economic progress had been attained at home; the stability of the government had been clearly demonstrated, and friends had been made abroad. The social and economic structure of the country had been completely transformed, and the Socialist community was now a going concern.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Piacentini ◽  
Gavin Slade

This article looks at the trajectory of prison reform in post-Soviet Georgia and Russia. It attempts to understand recent developments through an analysis of the resilient legacies of the culture of punishment born out of the Soviet period. To do this, the article fleshes out the concept of carceral collectivism, which refers to the practices and beliefs that made up prison life in Soviet and now post-Soviet countries. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 revealed a penal culture in notable need of reform. Less obvious, in retrospect, was how over the course of a century this predominantly ‘collectivist’ culture of punishment was instantiated in routine penal practices that stand in opposition to western penalities. The article shows how the social and physical structuring of collectivism and penal self-governance have remained resilient in the post-Soviet period despite diverging attempts at reform in Russia and Georgia. The article argues that persistent architectural forms and cultural attachment to collectivism constitute this resilience. Finally, the article asks how studies of collectivist punishment in the post-Soviet region might inform emerging debates about the reform and restructuring of individualizing, cell-based prisons in western jurisdictions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-167
Author(s):  
Dina Sharipova

Informal reciprocal exchanges continue to shape people’s interactions in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. State retrenchment from the social sphere and growing inequality has markedly limited citizens’, access to scarce resources including housing. This has stimulated people’s involvement in informal exchanges. The article analyzes housing policy during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods taking a closer look at the process of housing allocation. It claims that despite formalization of housing distribution, citizens continue using informal networks to gain access to that scarce commodity in the post-Soviet period. The article draws on data collected from interviews, textual analysis, and original surveys conducted in Kazakhstan in 2011 and 2013.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-94
Author(s):  
Sergey A. Bakanov ◽  
Ivan A. Medvedev

Introduction. This article deals with the subject of thesis in the direction of “Economic history”, which were prepared and defended in Russia in the post-Soviet period (1991–2019). The dissolution of the Soviet Union is getting rid of research from ideological clichés, which made the topic of economic history relevant and in demand. Materials and Methods. On the basis of the e-catalog of authors’ abstracts of the Russian State Library, the database “Dissertations on economic history of the late XX – early XXI centuries” was formed. The bibliographic information about the authors’ abstracts became the formal attributes of the described database. The analytical units were the attributes of the “geographical range”, “chronological frame” and “research problem”. Results. The analysis of the database showed that during the entire period were formed stable trends scientific subdirectories within the frame of economic history (history of industry, history of agriculture, history of entrepreneurship, history of banks, etc.), and in maintaining the status of leading research centers. The historical period from the second half of the XIX to the first half of the XX centuries attracts the main attention of the authors of thesis on economic history. Discussion and Conclusion. A quantitative analysis of the dynamic of thesis defenses showed a decline in the interest of authors of thesis in the problems of economic history in the 2010s. The key factors of this decline were changes in the requirements to thesis. Nevertheless, the authors believe that the direction of “economic history” has a potential to overcome designated problems.


Polar Record ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Heleniak

Abstract Like the northern periphery regions of other Arctic countries, the Russian North had a higher male–female sex ratio than the rest of the country. During the two decades following the breakup of the Soviet Union, the male sex ratio in the Russian North declined considerably, from 101 males per 100 females in 1989 to 92 in 2010. The regions and population of the Russian North were greatly impacted by the shift in northern development approaches from the centrally planned system of the Soviet Union to the market-oriented system of Russia. This paper examines the decline in the male population in the Russian North based on data from the 1989, 2002 and 2010 population censuses. The paper finds that only one quarter of the decline in the male sex ratio in the Russian North can be attributed to higher male outmigration and that three quarters are the result of significantly higher and widening gaps between females and males in life expectancy. The conclusion is that men in the Russian North coped with the social and economic upheavals by dying prematurely not by migrating. The leading causes of death for men were cardiovascular diseases and external causes such as murder, suicide and accidents.


2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Galbreath

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of Latvia, a minority group became a majority and a majority group became a minority. This has been the situation for Latvians and Russians after August 1991. The Baltic States led the way towards first autonomy and then independence. The nationalist movement in the Latvian SSR was primarily a minority nationalist movement. Why do minorities mobilise? Gurr finds that minorities rebel for two reasons: relative deprivation and group mobilisation. Relative deprivation answers the question of why and it characterizes the status of the Latvian language and culture vis-à-vis that of Russia during the Soviet period. While relative deprivation has come under considerable criticism because of its inability to explain when a group will mobilise, the notion can be found in the nationalist rhetoric before and since the restoration of Latvian independence. Group mobilisation goes further in explaining when minorities may assert political claims. Considered in terms of changes in the political opportunity structure, the changing politics of glasnost allowed the nationalist movements to mobilise in the Baltic States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 239-256
Author(s):  
Dmitry Strovsky ◽  
Ron Schleifer

The terms perestroika (literally, "transformation") and glasnost (literally, "transparency ") refer to the social change that took place in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Then USSR leader, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev, introduced perestroika as a necessary action to improve the nation’s economy and its international relations. Glasnost was meant to promote effective discussions regarding the country’s existing problems and shortcomings. However, only a few years following their instatement, both processes did not improve the sociopolitical situation. On the contrary, they led to the country’s collapse. This article seeks to answer why gracious intentions, meant to actualize the hopes and dreams of the Soviet people, eventually resulted in tremendously difficult times. Special attention is paid to the role of the Soviet media, which became a catalyst for many social problems. The authors raise the issue of the media’s level of responsibility during this social transformation, which appeared to be one of the most crucial conditions for its successful implementation. Keywords: authoritarian culture, social transformation, civic society, perestroika, glasnost, Soviet media


Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik

Non-citizens in Latvia: Is it a Real Problem?Following the restoration of independence in 1991, Latvia has introduced restrictive citizenship strategy involving citizenship only to those who had it before the Soviet occupation, and to their descendants. As a result, about one-third of the population in Latvia – the former citizens of the Soviet Union who had immigrated to Latvia during the Soviet period—received the status of ‘non-citizen’. In the 1990s, political discourse on the citizenship policy dominated in Latvia. Exclusive Citizenship Act was criticized by international institutions, including the UN, EU, OSCE and CoE. As a result of international pressure Latvia has introduced appropriate amendments to facilitate access to citizenship for non-citizens. Non-citizens and stateless in Latvia represent 11.8% and 0.01% of the population, respectively, which is more than 252 thousand residents of Latvia. It means that non-citizenship phenomenon has not been resolved completely. A few Latvian regulations restrict non-citizens and stateless to participate in elections, occupy public positions and offices, and travel. This article addresses the problem of non-citizenship as a second matter of concerns in Latvian domestic policy. While limitations for non-citizens implicate their political, economic and social status, Latvian authority is far from granting citizenship to non-citizens in ‘zero option’ procedure.  Nieobywatele na Łotwie: czy problem jest aktualny?Po odzyskaniu niepodległości Łotwa w 1991 roku wprowadziła restrykcyjną strategię obywatelstwa, polegającą na przywróceniu obywatelstwa jedynie tym osobom, które posiadały je przed okupacją sowiecką, oraz ich potomkom. W wyniku tego około jednej trzeciej populacji na Łotwie – byłych obywateli Związku Radzieckiego przybyłych na Łotwę w okresie sowieckim – otrzymało status „nieobywatela”. W latach dziewięćdziesiątych kwestia obywatelstwa zdominowała dyskurs polityczny na Łotwie, a wyłączająca ustawa o obywatelstwie była krytykowana przez różne instytucje międzynarodowe, w tym ONZ, UE, OBWE i Radę Europy. Międzynarodowa presja spowodowała, że Łotwa wprowadziła stosowne poprawki, ułatwiając dostęp do obywatelstwa dla nieobywateli. Obecnie nieobywatele stanowią 11,8%, a bezpaństwowcy – niecałe 0,01% populacji, co wynosi łącznie ponad 252 tys. mieszkańców Łotwy. Oznacza to, że problem braku obywatelstwa nie został rozwiązany całkowicie. Niektóre regulacje ograniczające prawa nieobywateli i bezpaństwowców odnoszą się do prawa wyborczego, możliwości zajmowania pewnych stanowisk i urzędów oraz podróży. Artykuł poświęcony jest zjawisku braku obywatelstwa na Łotwie, które obecnie nie jest przedmiotem większego zainteresowania władz Łotwy. Regulacje ograniczające prawa nieobywateli wpływają na ich status polityczny, ekonomiczny i społeczny, jednak podjęcie decyzji o automatycznym obywatelstwie dla nieobywateli przez władze Łotwy jest mało prawdopodobne.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Zaitsev

The article deals with I.A. Dedkovs views on the ratio of the goal and the means on the way to the high social ideal. The analysis reveals the humanistic ontology of his worldview. I.A. Dedkov was a convinced anti-Stalinist, a supporter of the 20th Communist Party of the Soviet Union Congress decisions. Throughout his life and creative work, in his letters, diary entries, literary-critical and practical activities he consistently denounced the anti-humanist principle the end justifies the means, drawing arguments from the traditions of Russian classical literature and Russian prerevolutionary liberal-oriented philosophy, as well as from the Western European existentialism. This article reveals the latent humanistic-minded intension that existed in the Soviet period in the literary heritage of the critic and journalist I.A. Dedkov. The main methods used by the author in preparing this publication are elements of systematic and comparative (comparative) analysis, biographical, discursive and narrative research methods. The main conclusions from this study are the disclosure of the humanistic nature of I.A. Dedkovs worldview, sharply different from the amoral methodology of political expediency, which neglects the choice and use of ethically justified and adequate to the goal of its implementation. This position is supported by textual analysis of a number of sources, including Yu.V. Trifonovs story Impatience from the series Fiery revolutionaries about the revolutionary folk activist A.I. Zhelyabov. I.A. Dedkov consistently defended his theoretical and ideological postulates based on rejection and rejection of anti-human and inhumane political practices in his literary and journalistic activities, as well as in his personal life, maintaining his devotion to the socialist (communist) ideal in its humanistic (anthropocentric) ideal.


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