Mortuary Customs Of The Meiteis Of Manipur: A Historical Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Dr S. Jayalaxmi Devi ◽  
Dr Oinam Ranjit Singh ◽  
Dr Th. Mina Devi

The rites of passage are the rites and ceremonies that mark a critical transition in the life cycle of an individual from one status to another in a given society. It covers birth, marriage and death. Death is the last crisis in the lifecycle of an individual. Siba means death in local dialect. It is believed that when the soul leaves the body permanently the man dies. The paper is an attempt to throw light on death and related customs of the Meiteis. There were four kinds of funeral systems such as disposal of dead body in the wild place, in the fire, in the earth (burial) and into the water (river). Disposal of dead in the fire (cremation) in Meitei society commenced from the time of Naophangba. But, the practice of cremation was prevalent among the Chakpas from the very early times. In ancient times, dead body was exposed; the dead body was kept throwing about in the Sumang (the space in front of the house) in the Khangenpham and a bird called Uchek Ningthou Lai-oiba which took away the dead body to a river called Thangmukhong in Heirok. Usually, funeral rites were considered as unclean; therefore, the performers had to wash and cleanse their body. They believe in a future life and in the survival of the soul. The data are based on available primary and secondary sources.

2011 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 197-205
Author(s):  
Sandra Junker

This article deals with the idea of ritual bodily impurity after coming into contact with a corpse in the Hebrew Bible. The evanescence and impermanence of the human body testifies to the mortality of the human being. In that way, the human body symbolizes both life and death at the same time; both conditions are perceivable in it. In Judaism, the dead body is considered as ritually impure. Although, in this context it might be better to substitute the term ‘ritually damaged’ for ‘ritually impure’: ritual impurity does not refer to hygienic or moral impurity, but rather to an incapability of exercising—and living—religion. Ritual purity is considered as a prerequisite for the execution of ritual acts and obligations. The dead body depends on a sphere which causes the greatest uncertainty because it is not accessible for the living. According to Mary Douglas’s concepts, the dead body is considered ritually impure because it does not answer to the imagined order anymore, or rather because it cannot take part in this order anymore. This is impurity imagined as a kind of contagious illness, which is carried by the body. This article deals with the ritual of the red heifer in Numbers 19. Here we find the description of the preparation of a fluid that is to help clear the ritual impurity out of a living body after it has come into contact with a corpse. For the preparation of this fluid a living creature – a faultless red heifer – must be killed. According to the description, the people who are involved in the preparation of the fluid will be ritually impure until the end of the day. The ritual impurity acquired after coming into contact with a corpse continues as long as the ritual of the Red Heifer remains unexecuted, but at least for seven days. 


Author(s):  
Tiffany Jenkins

In October 2011, graphic images of a blood-stained and dead Muammar Gaddafi were sent around the internet. For some time after his death, his dead body was displayed at a house in Misrat, where masses of people queued to see it. His corpse provided a focus for the Libyan people, as proof that he really was dead and could finally be dominated. When Osama bin Laden was killed by the American military in May that same year, unlike Gaddafi, the body was absent, but the absence was significant. Shortly after he was killed a decision was taken not to show pictures of the dead body and it was buried at sea. The American military appear to have been concerned it would become a physical site for his supporters to congregate, and the photographs used by different sides in a propaganda war. Both cases reflect an aim to control the dead body and associated meanings with the person; that is not unusual: after the Nuremberg trials, the Allied authorities cremated Hermann Göring—who committed suicide prior to his scheduled hanging—so that his grave would not become a place of worship for Nazi sympathizers. These examples should remind us that dead bodies have longer lives than is at first obvious. They are central to rituals of mourning, but beyond this, throughout history, they have also played a role in political battles and provided a—sometimes contested—focus for reconciliation and remembrance. They have political and social capital and are objects with symbolic potential. In The Political Lives of Dead Bodies the anthropologist Katherine Verdery explores the way the dead body has been used in this way and why it is particularly effective. Firstly, she observes, human remains are effective symbolic objects because their meaning is ambiguous; that is whilst their associated meanings are contingent on a number of factors, including the individual and the cultural context, they are not fixed and are open to interpretation and manipulation: ‘Remains are concrete, yet protean; they do not have a single meaning but are open to many different readings’ (Verdery 1999: 28).


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-101
Author(s):  
Daniella Kuzmanovic

Dead bodies are symbolically effective in the context of politics, and enjoy a particular connection with affect. The mass-mediated mobilizations around Hrant Dink and the dead body of Dink suggest that there is indeed something about Katherine Verdery’s insight. Dink was a Turkish citizen of Armenian descent, editor, civic activist and a controversial public figure in Turkey. He was assassinated in 2007. Rather than focusing on the Armenian aspect in context of Turkish nationalism in order to grasp the efficacy of Dink and of his dead body, this article dwells on the intertwinement between his dead body and experiences of state subjects in Turkey. I argue that the efficacy of Dink, the semantic and affective density generated by way of the dead body, is produced in a conjuncture where neither meanings around the body and the person it embodied, nor of the state will stabilize.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-53
Author(s):  
I Gusti Bagus Suryawan ◽  
I Made Jaya Senastri ◽  
I Nyoman Sutama

Philosophically, the river is the source of life, is the lifeblood of the earth, therefore the water flowing in the river must be kept pure and clean. The Tukad Mati River stretches from north to south in the middle of the village of Padangsambian Kaja, so that its position is squeezed between settlements and residents' housing, therefore the cleanliness of the water in Tukad Mati is strongly influenced by waste management from residential and residential areas. To help realize and maintain the cleanliness of the dead body, the team, with the permission of the Community Service Institute, UNWAR collaborated with partners (Padangsambian Kaja Village) through a community partnership program with outreach activities and location planning to build public awareness that rivers are not a dumping ground for all kinds of waste, for that it is necessary carried out: sorting waste from households to reduce waste to rivers, forming a community that cares about rivers and waste banks, doing mutual cooperation on a regular basis, carrying out supervision by related parties so that the rules run effectively, structuring the dead river so that it can be used as a tourist spot and fishing place.  


Author(s):  
Oksana Kolomiets ◽  
Vladislav Nuvano

В настоящей статье исследуются погребальные чукотские традиции, сохранившиеся до настоящего времени. Многие ученые полагали, что архаичные формы похорон уступят место современному унифицированному обряду. Однако, в некоторых национальных селах Чукотки попрежнему хоронят путем сожжения или оставления тела умершего на холме или на открытой местности; современный похоронный обряд также часто сопряжен с некоторыми элементами традиционной культуры. Авторы рассматривают мировоззренческие установки, связанные со смертью, отношение к смерти у чукчей и соседних этнических групп. Для сравнительного анализа обрядов, бытующих в разные годы, авторы приводят описания погребального обряда учеными и путешественниками XVIII–XX вв. Существующие обрядовые практики в современной чукотской культуре представлены следующими способами погребения умерших: сожжение, оставление тела под открытым небом, захоронение «по-русски». Среди традиционных погребальных практик наиболее распространен обряд сожжения. Причем, в с. Ваеги Анадырского района, похороны «по-чукотски» наиболее предпочтительны для коренных жителей. Исключения составляют случаи, когда супруги, близкие родственники – представители другой национальности, могут не исполнить волю умершего на обряд сожжения. Остальные традиционные способы погребения немногочисленны, однако еще встречаются в с. Илирней (Билибинский район), с. Рыткучи (Чаунский район), в некоторых селах Анадырского и Чукотского районов. Опросы жителей показали, что чаще всего «по-чукотски» хоронят стариков, которые озвучили свою волю еще при жизни, или «тундровиков», занимающихся традиционным хозяйством вдали от поселков. Следует отметить, что сейчас мало кто из информантов может описать обряд целиком, многие знают порядок ритуальных действий, но при этом не могут раскрыть их смысл. Да и сами погребальные обряды не редко проводятся в «усеченном» варианте (некогда обязательные манипуляции с умершим уже не производят, например, надрез сухожилий, «открывание» груди и т. д.). В сельской местности до сих пор остаются знатоки, владеющие традиционными погребальными практиками. Они участвуют в подготовке и проведении обряда, учат молодое поколение проведению ритуалов.This article examines the funeral Chukchi traditions that have survived to the present time. Many scientists believed that archaic forms of funerals would give way to a modern unified ritual. However, in some national villages of Chukotka people are still buried by burning or leaving the dead body on a hill or in an open area; modern funeral rites are also often associated with some elements of traditional culture. The authors consider the worldview associated with death, the attitude to death in the Chukchi and neighboring ethnic groups. For a comparative analysis of the rites occurring in different years, the authors give descriptions of the funeral rites by scientists and travelers of the XVIII–XX centuries. Existing ritual practices in modern Chukchi culture are represented by the following methods of burial of the dead: burning, leaving the body in the open air, laying the body with stones, burial "in Russian". Among the traditional burial practices, the most common is the ritual of burning. Moreover, in the village of Vaegi of Anadyr districts the funeral "in Chukchi" is the most preferable for residents. The exceptions are the cases when the spouses and close relatives of the representatives of other nationalities can not do the will of the dead in the ceremony of burning. Other traditional methods of burial are few but still occur in the village of Ilirney (Iultinsky district), Rytkuchi village (Chaunsky district), in some villages of Anadyr and Chukotka district. Surveys of residents showed that most often "in Chukchi" they bury the old people, who voiced their will during his lifetime, or "tundra-people" engaged in traditional farming away from the villages. It should be noted that nowadays few informants could describe the ritual as a whole, many people know the order of ritual acts, but cannot disclose their meaning. The funeral rites are frequently held in a "truncated" version (once the mandatory manipulations with the dead are no longer produced, for example, tendons cut, "open" chest, etc.). In rural areas, there are still experts who own traditional burial practices. They participate in the preparation and conduct of the rite, teach the younger generation to conduct rituals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
V. V. Nikolaev

Purpose. The article reconstructs traditional funeral memorial rituals of the indigenous peoples inhabiting the Northern Altai foothills (the Kumandins, the Tubalars and the Chelkans) and its semantics. Results. The funeral memorial rituals included three stages: preparation of the deceased for the ritual, funeral and commemoration. The preparatory period for transition to another world included washing the body, dressing, preparing a new “house” for the deceased (coffin, deck, grave, frame, platform, etc.) and preparing the accompanying equipment (things and food needed on the way to another world). The burial day began with the preparation of the burial site at sunrise. In the middle of the day, the relatives carried the body of the deceased out of the house, mourned and made their way to the dead person’s new “house”. At the burial site, the participants of the procession said goodbye and buried the body. This day culminated in the commemoration of the deceased and purification of the participants of the ritual at sunset. The commemoration stage was accompanied with meetings, feeding and seeing off the soul of the dead person. Conclusions. Death determined the onset of the transition period for the deceased. A successful transition of the soul from one world to another had to be ensured by the correct performance of a complex of rites and rituals. At the same time, rituals were aimed at preserving the lives of living relatives and protecting the society. Elements of the rites had a symbolic character. Ritual practices were intended to ensure the cyclical nature of life. Influence of Russian and Orthodox traditions on indigenous Altai population led to transformations of the funeral and memorial rites and rituals. At the same time, the semantics of the rituals stayed the same and passed on from generation to generation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-638
Author(s):  
Napawan Tantivejakul

PurposeThis research aims to identify the use of the public relations (PR) methods implemented by King Rama V and his administration to counter the threat to Siam of imperialism in the late 19th century. It also seeks to demonstrate the interplay of the communication strategies used in international diplomacy to enhance Siam's visibility among major European nations.Design/methodology/approachThis is a historical study using both primary and secondary sources. It is a development of the national PR history methodology using a descriptive, fact-based and event-oriented approach.FindingsThe main findings are that (1) a PR strategy drove international diplomacy under the administration of Siam's monarch incorporating strategies such as governmental press relations activities; (2) the strategy in building Siam's image as a civilized country was successfully communicated through the personality of King Rama V during his first trip to Europe; (3) with a close observation of the public and press sentiments, the outcome of the integrated PR and diplomatic campaigns was that Siam defended its sovereignty against British and French imperialists’ pressures and was therefore never colonized.Research limitations/implicationsThis research adds to the body of knowledge of global PR history by demonstrating that PR evolved before the 20th century in different countries and cultures with different historical paths and sociocultural, political and economic contexts.Originality/valueThis study from an Asian nation demonstrates that PR was being practiced in the late 19th century outside the Western context, prior to the advent of the term. It is a rare example of PR being developed as a part of an anti-colonization strategy.


Author(s):  
Matthew Suriano

Death is transitional in the Hebrew Bible, but the challenge is in understanding how this transition worked. The ritual analysis of Judahite bench tombs reveals a dynamic concept of death that involved the transition of the dead body. The body would enter the tomb during primary burial; there it would receive provisions as it rested on a burial bench. Eventually the remains of the dead would be secondarily interred inside the tomb’s repository. This final stage, the repository, is marked by the collective burial of bones. The transition of the dead, therefore, involves the body in different conditions, first as an individual corpse and then as a collection of bones. The process of burial and reburial inside the bench tomb offers new insight into the idea that postmortem existence in the Hebrew Bible is predicated on the fate of the body.


1993 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Henrichs

Sophocles' Oedipus at Colonus has traditionally been regarded as the poet's primary tragedy involving hero cult; this essay explores the more subtle but no less ritually explicit hero cult of the Aias first outlined by Burian. The passage, as Burian saw, occurs when the young Eurysakes kneels at his father's body and Teukros conducts an unusual combination of rites: supplication, curse, offering of hair, and magic (1168-84). One crucial direction to the child, kai phulasse (1180), however, is here not understood to be a paradox of the suppliant who "protects" what he seizes but rather his physical attachment to the locus where he abides as well as his ritual dependence on the source of protection (as with Orestes in Eum. 242f., 439f.). By saying a curse and obtaining protection, Teukros and Eurysakes indicate how the still-warm body of the dead hero has already acquired special powers after death: specifically, the power to bestow both blessings and curses on mortals. The argument turns from the body to the tomb, the physical and lasting monument of hero cult, which the Sophoclean audience would know. The preceding scene ends with a pivotal choral passage where the hero's burial and cult are prescribed in highly Homeric terms (1163-67). This passage forms an important link between the opposing views of the fate of the corpse (Menelaos vs. Teukros) and also between the hero's death and burial. This choral celebration of the hero's future status is cast in traditional Homeric language, but with some revealing inversions. One is the reversal of the verb whereby the earth "holds" (katechei) or possesses heroes in Homer, while Aias occupies and possesses his tomb (1167, kathexei). The evolution of Homeric views of death is traced (Archilochos, Simonides). In Sophocles' Aias the chorus performs the burial as a ritual act establishing a cult, long before it happens at the end of the play. The article concludes with a discussion of the historical cults of Aias known to the Athenians and of the more significant way that Aias (a suicide) becomes a hero: not self-consciously, as Oedipus did, but through rituals performed by his family and community. In the Aias, the poet's sense of hero cult lies closer to Homer and the epic tradition than it does, for instance, to Aeschylus.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Hrvoje Cvijanović

The author argues that the politicization of life discussed by many modern and contemporary political thinkers cannot be treated differently, and hence without the similar curiosity and importance, from the politicization of death. The dead body represents a powerful symbol and as such it is often politicized. The paper deals with the problem of postmortem violence and juridico-political mechanisms aimed at excluding from the political body those not being alive but whose dead presence threats the living. For that purposes the author reconstructs Sophocles’ Antigone as a paradigmatic text whose reinterpretation and contextualization serve for rethinking the Greek conceptualization of the dead, and the ways in which the state penetrates into the realm of private attachments and funeral rites, especially when dealing with dead traitors/terrorists. Assuming an equal ontological status of every dead body, the author, on the one hand, defends mortalist humanism as an equal ability to grieve someone’s personal loss against the state-sanctioned politics of mourning, and on the other hand, argues that subjecting the dead to bare death, i.e. by turning them to political corpses as legally constituted dead human entities disposed to postmortem political exclusion, degradation, violence, or to other dehumanizing or depersonalizing practices, accounts for the illegitimate expansion of political power, and thus for the rule of terror, as well as for the ultimate human evil.


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