scholarly journals ПОГРЕБАЛЬНЫЕ ПРАКТИКИ В СОВРЕМЕННОЙ ЧУКОТСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЕ

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oksana Kolomiets ◽  
Vladislav Nuvano
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
The Body ◽  
Old People ◽  
Attitude To Death ◽  
Burial Practices ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Close Relatives ◽  
The Village

В настоящей статье исследуются погребальные чукотские традиции, сохранившиеся до настоящего времени. Многие ученые полагали, что архаичные формы похорон уступят место современному унифицированному обряду. Однако, в некоторых национальных селах Чукотки попрежнему хоронят путем сожжения или оставления тела умершего на холме или на открытой местности; современный похоронный обряд также часто сопряжен с некоторыми элементами традиционной культуры. Авторы рассматривают мировоззренческие установки, связанные со смертью, отношение к смерти у чукчей и соседних этнических групп. Для сравнительного анализа обрядов, бытующих в разные годы, авторы приводят описания погребального обряда учеными и путешественниками XVIII–XX вв. Существующие обрядовые практики в современной чукотской культуре представлены следующими способами погребения умерших: сожжение, оставление тела под открытым небом, захоронение «по-русски». Среди традиционных погребальных практик наиболее распространен обряд сожжения. Причем, в с. Ваеги Анадырского района, похороны «по-чукотски» наиболее предпочтительны для коренных жителей. Исключения составляют случаи, когда супруги, близкие родственники – представители другой национальности, могут не исполнить волю умершего на обряд сожжения. Остальные традиционные способы погребения немногочисленны, однако еще встречаются в с. Илирней (Билибинский район), с. Рыткучи (Чаунский район), в некоторых селах Анадырского и Чукотского районов. Опросы жителей показали, что чаще всего «по-чукотски» хоронят стариков, которые озвучили свою волю еще при жизни, или «тундровиков», занимающихся традиционным хозяйством вдали от поселков. Следует отметить, что сейчас мало кто из информантов может описать обряд целиком, многие знают порядок ритуальных действий, но при этом не могут раскрыть их смысл. Да и сами погребальные обряды не редко проводятся в «усеченном» варианте (некогда обязательные манипуляции с умершим уже не производят, например, надрез сухожилий, «открывание» груди и т. д.). В сельской местности до сих пор остаются знатоки, владеющие традиционными погребальными практиками. Они участвуют в подготовке и проведении обряда, учат молодое поколение проведению ритуалов.This article examines the funeral Chukchi traditions that have survived to the present time. Many scientists believed that archaic forms of funerals would give way to a modern unified ritual. However, in some national villages of Chukotka people are still buried by burning or leaving the dead body on a hill or in an open area; modern funeral rites are also often associated with some elements of traditional culture. The authors consider the worldview associated with death, the attitude to death in the Chukchi and neighboring ethnic groups. For a comparative analysis of the rites occurring in different years, the authors give descriptions of the funeral rites by scientists and travelers of the XVIII–XX centuries. Existing ritual practices in modern Chukchi culture are represented by the following methods of burial of the dead: burning, leaving the body in the open air, laying the body with stones, burial "in Russian". Among the traditional burial practices, the most common is the ritual of burning. Moreover, in the village of Vaegi of Anadyr districts the funeral "in Chukchi" is the most preferable for residents. The exceptions are the cases when the spouses and close relatives of the representatives of other nationalities can not do the will of the dead in the ceremony of burning. Other traditional methods of burial are few but still occur in the village of Ilirney (Iultinsky district), Rytkuchi village (Chaunsky district), in some villages of Anadyr and Chukotka district. Surveys of residents showed that most often "in Chukchi" they bury the old people, who voiced their will during his lifetime, or "tundra-people" engaged in traditional farming away from the villages. It should be noted that nowadays few informants could describe the ritual as a whole, many people know the order of ritual acts, but cannot disclose their meaning. The funeral rites are frequently held in a "truncated" version (once the mandatory manipulations with the dead are no longer produced, for example, tendons cut, "open" chest, etc.). In rural areas, there are still experts who own traditional burial practices. They participate in the preparation and conduct of the rite, teach the younger generation to conduct rituals.

scholarly journals FUNERAL AND MEMORIAL RITES OF DAGESTAN PEOPLE IN MODERN URBAN CONDITIONS

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
М К Musaeva
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Human Life ◽  
The Body ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
The Third ◽  
Material Component ◽  
The Common ◽  
Urban Conditions ◽  
The Village ◽  
The Way

Among the rites (rituals) of the system of ceremonial actions, magical ideas, beliefs related to such cycles of human life as birth, marriage, and death, united by a single concept - the rituals of the life cycle, the funeral and memorial rites have always been the most religiously regulated ones and they are characterized by a certain stability and conservatism both in rural areas and in towns of Dagestan. In the funeral and memorial rites, we can conditionally distinguish three cycles. The first cycle includes the rituals observed within the period after a person’s death before the body of the deceased is carried out of the house; the rituals of the second cycle are performed when the body of the deceased is carried out of the house, on the way to the cemetery, during the burial and on the way back after the burial. The third cycle includes the rituals observed after the burial until the anniversary of the person’s death. This is also a whole system of views based on people’s beliefs and religious precepts. New religious trends (the ideas of pure Islam) and globalization and urbanization processes have not affected the foundations of the funeral and memorial rites. The changes have affected the material component: costs for funeral events and commemoration of the deceased (fixing of the headstone) have increased. Almost up to the 1980s, the body of the deceased city dweller was buried in the village that the deceased man or woman was from. In recent decades, new cemeteries have appeared in towns. In general, Islam has managed to press greatly the ancient pagan rituals that developed over many centuries, but this fact does not exclude the preservation of some ancient ideas and elements of pre-Islamic rituals in the funeral rites. Besides, the common Muslim character of the funeral rites could not completely suppress the ethnically specific features: due to some elements (as a rule, in the memorial part), every Dagestan nationality is recognized even in urban conditions.

scholarly journals Semantics of Traditional Funeral Rites of the Indigenous Population in the Northern Altai Foothill (Late 19th – First Half of 20th Century)

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
V. V. Nikolaev
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
The Body ◽  
Burial Site ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
Dead Person ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
The Dead

Purpose. The article reconstructs traditional funeral memorial rituals of the indigenous peoples inhabiting the Northern Altai foothills (the Kumandins, the Tubalars and the Chelkans) and its semantics. Results. The funeral memorial rituals included three stages: preparation of the deceased for the ritual, funeral and commemoration. The preparatory period for transition to another world included washing the body, dressing, preparing a new “house” for the deceased (coffin, deck, grave, frame, platform, etc.) and preparing the accompanying equipment (things and food needed on the way to another world). The burial day began with the preparation of the burial site at sunrise. In the middle of the day, the relatives carried the body of the deceased out of the house, mourned and made their way to the dead person’s new “house”. At the burial site, the participants of the procession said goodbye and buried the body. This day culminated in the commemoration of the deceased and purification of the participants of the ritual at sunset. The commemoration stage was accompanied with meetings, feeding and seeing off the soul of the dead person. Conclusions. Death determined the onset of the transition period for the deceased. A successful transition of the soul from one world to another had to be ensured by the correct performance of a complex of rites and rituals. At the same time, rituals were aimed at preserving the lives of living relatives and protecting the society. Elements of the rites had a symbolic character. Ritual practices were intended to ensure the cyclical nature of life. Influence of Russian and Orthodox traditions on indigenous Altai population led to transformations of the funeral and memorial rites and rituals. At the same time, the semantics of the rituals stayed the same and passed on from generation to generation.

Mortuary Customs Of The Meiteis Of Manipur: A Historical Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Dr S. Jayalaxmi Devi ◽  
Dr Oinam Ranjit Singh ◽  
Dr Th. Mina Devi
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Dead Body ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Local Dialect ◽  
In The Wild ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
The Dead

The rites of passage are the rites and ceremonies that mark a critical transition in the life cycle of an individual from one status to another in a given society. It covers birth, marriage and death. Death is the last crisis in the lifecycle of an individual. Siba means death in local dialect. It is believed that when the soul leaves the body permanently the man dies. The paper is an attempt to throw light on death and related customs of the Meiteis. There were four kinds of funeral systems such as disposal of dead body in the wild place, in the fire, in the earth (burial) and into the water (river). Disposal of dead in the fire (cremation) in Meitei society commenced from the time of Naophangba. But, the practice of cremation was prevalent among the Chakpas from the very early times. In ancient times, dead body was exposed; the dead body was kept throwing about in the Sumang (the space in front of the house) in the Khangenpham and a bird called Uchek Ningthou Lai-oiba which took away the dead body to a river called Thangmukhong in Heirok. Usually, funeral rites were considered as unclean; therefore, the performers had to wash and cleanse their body. They believe in a future life and in the survival of the soul. The data are based on available primary and secondary sources.

Revisiting the Dead: Tomb Reuse and Post-Burial Practices at Ascoli Satriano (Pre-Roman Apulia, Seventh–Fourth Centurybc)

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-285
Author(s):  
Matthias Hoernes ◽  
Christian Heitz ◽  
Manuele Laimer
Keyword(s):  
Human Remains ◽  
The Body ◽  
Burial Practices ◽  
Complex Procedure ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Archaeology Of Death ◽  
The Way

In the archaeology of death and burial, the premise that the dead were buried ritually and not simply disposed of seems to be accepted without argument. Where graves were reopened and reused for subsequent burials, however, the post-funeral manipulation of ‘older’ depositions is often regarded as having been primarily pragmatic and circumstantial. Countering this interpretative imbalance, we argue that the reuse of tombs was a highly complex procedure that forced communities into negotiating and formalizing, or even ritualizing, the way in which bodies and objects were acted on and engaged with. Taking the necropolis Giarnera Piccola/Ascoli Satriano in pre-Roman northern Apulia as a case study, and employing a microarchaeological-archaeothanatological perspective, we discuss the diverse and sometimes conflicting practices used to deal with pre-existing graves, objects and human remains, identifying tensions between maintaining or reconstructing the integrity of the body and intentionally manipulating and fragmenting it. We argue that repeatedly reused tombs constituted a socially and symbolically charged arena for a prolonged, active relationship with the deceased and for mobilizing, mediating and maintaining inter-generational memories.

scholarly journals СОХРАНЕНИЕ ИНДУИСТСКИХ ПОХОРОННО-ПОМИНАЛЬНЫХ ТРАДИЦИЙ В ИНДИЙСКОЙ ДИАСПОРЕ В ТАНЗАНИИ

2021 ◽  
pp. 72-86
Author(s):  
Дарья Алексеевна Дронова ◽  
Марина Львовна Бутовская
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
Ganges River ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Funeral Rite ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Indian State ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Specialized Institutions ◽  
Close Relatives ◽  
The Uk

В статье дается описание похоронно-поминального комплекса представителей индийской диаспоры в Танзании. В основу легли полевые материалы авторов данной публикации, собранные среди индуистов, выходцев из индийского штата Гуджарат, в ходе экспедиционных выездов в Танзанию в 2019 г. Похоронный обряд индуистов Танзании включает в себя основные черты традиционной церемонии, несмотря на существование культурных различий в проведении этого обряда в Индии. Представителями диаспоры соблюдаются ритуалы, выполняемые до кремации: расположение покойного на полу, омовение, облачение в белые одежды, 12-дневная церемония (период ритуального загрязнения близких родственников и дома), последние капли священной воды из р. Ганга и листья тулси, вынос тела на носилках. Как и в Индии главенствующая роль во время обряда принадлежит старшему сыну. В похоронной процессии до места кремации принимают участие только мужчины, также и во всех ритуалах, выполняемых в крематории. До недавнего времени индийцы в Танзании продолжали сжигать умерших на открытом огне, но в 2014 г. в крупных городах индийские общины начали устанавливать кремационные печи после запрета местных властей устраивать погребальный костер. На о. Занзибар до сих пор используют крематорий на берегу океана, построенный еще до Занзибарской революции 1964 г., где на погребальном огне сжигают тело умершего. При этом крематории принадлежат индийской общине, что позволяет проводить все необходимые ритуалы согласно традиции, в отличие от ситуации, например, в Великобритании (Laungani 2001b). Важным сохраняющимся этапом похоронного обряда является развеивание праха над водной поверхностью. Проанализированные кейсы иллюстрируют высокую сохранность и адаптивность похоронно-поминального комплекса, максимально соответствующего традиции в Индии. Тем не менее, зафиксированы некоторые изменения в похоронном обряде: сокращение временного периода 12-дневной церемонии, участие сотрудников специализированных учреждений в подготовке покойного к кремации и др. Также индуисты продолжают исполнять предписанный традицией, являющийся последним в череде обязательных ритуалов – поминание умерших (шраддха). Похоронный обряд и поминовение предков встроены в повседневную религиозную систему представителей диаспоры. The article describes the funeral and memorial complex of representatives of the Indian Diaspora in Tanzania. It is based on field materials of the authors of this publication, collected among Hindus from the Indian state of Gujarat during expedition to Tanzania in 2019. The funeral rite of the Hindus of Tanzania includes the main features of the traditional ceremony, despite the existence of cultural differences in the conduct of this rite in India. Representatives of the Diaspora observe the rituals performed before cremation: placing the deceased on the floor, ablution, dressing in white clothes, a 12-day ceremony (the period of ritual pollution of close relatives and home), the last drops of sacred water from the Ganges River and tulsi leaves, carrying out the body on a stretcher. As in India, the leading role during the ceremony belongs to the eldest son. Only men take part in the funeral procession to the cremation site, as well as in all the rituals performed in the crematorium. Until recently, Hindus in Tanzania continued to burn the dead on an open fire, but in 2014 in large cities Indian communities began to install cremation ovens after a ban by the local authorities to arrange a funeral pyre. On the Zanzibar Island, an oceanfront crematorium, built before the 1964 Zanzibar Revolution, is still used, where the body of the deceased is burned on a funeral fire. The crematorium is owned by the Indian community, which allows all the necessary rituals according to tradition, unlike the situation, for example, in the UK. An important remaining stage of the funeral rite is the scattering of the ashes over the water surface. The analyzed cases illustrate the high preservation and adaptability of the funeral and memorial complex as much as possible corresponding to tradition in India. However, there are some changes in the funeral rite: the reduction of the time period of the 12-day ceremony, involvement of the staff of specialized institutions in the preparation of the deceased for cremation, etc. Also, the Hindus continue to perform the prescribed tradition, which is the last in a series of obligatory rituals – the commemoration of the dead (Śrāddha). In general, the funeral rite and the commemoration of the ancestors are built in the daily religious system of the Diaspora.

scholarly journals Liturgy and Landscape—Re-Activating Christian Funeral Rites through Adaptive Reuse of a Rural Church and Its Surroundings as a Columbarium and Urn Cemetery

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 407
Author(s):  
Samuel Goyvaerts ◽  
Nikolaas Vande Keere
Keyword(s):  
Vatican Ii ◽  
Design Research ◽  
Adaptive Reuse ◽  
Rural Landscape ◽  
Rural Church ◽  
Funeral Rites ◽  
Funeral Rite ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Village ◽  
The Church

We present the design research for the adaptive reuse of the St. Odulphus church as a columbarium in the village of Booienhoven (BE). Surrounded by agriculture, the site is listed as a historic rural landscape. The small neoclassical church is no longer in use for traditional Catholic services and is abandoned. Positioned on an isolated “island”, it has the appropriate setting to become a place to remember and part from the dead. Instigated by the municipality, and taking into account the growing demand for cremation, we present topological research on three different liturgical and spatial levels: 1/the use of the church interior as a columbarium and for (funeral) celebration, 2/the transformation of the “island”, stressing the idea of “passage” and 3/the layering of the open landscape reactivating the well-spring and its spiritual origins. Based on the reform of the funeral rite after Vatican II, we propose a layered liturgy that can better suit the wide variety of funeral services in Flanders today, while at the same time respecting its Catholic roots. Rather than considering the reuse of the church a spiritual loss, we believe that it can offer the opportunity to reinforce and open up the traditional, symbolic and ritual meaning of the Christian liturgy to the larger community. As such, this case is an excellent example of how, in exploring new architectural and liturgical questions, religious sites can be transformed into contemporary places for spirituality.

KEBANGGAAN TERHADAP BATIK MADURA BAGI WARGA SUMENEP

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sayyida Sayyida ◽  
Nurdody Zakki
Keyword(s):  
Logistic Regression ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Community Group ◽  
Parametric Regression ◽  
Logit Function ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City ◽  
Level Of Risk ◽  
Non Parametric

Diversity of Indonesian Batik hanging area. One of the very well-known Indonesian batik is Batik Madura. Batik Madura has become a pride for Indonesia, especially for Madura. The purpose of the study is to model the Sumenep pride to Batik Madura and to see the level of risk or tendency of batik madura pride for the community group Sumenep. This research method uses a non parametric regression used a non-parametric regression because the dependent variable in this study is the variable Y are variables not normally distributed. The results of this study states that the level of risk of the village in Sumenep proud of batik is almost 5 times higher than the islands while people in this city who live in the district town at risk Sumenep proud of Batik Madura 8-fold compared to the archipelago. So it can be concluded that the city is much more proud of batik than those who reside in rural areas especially those who reside in the islands. This study uses data from 100 questionnaires were analyzed using logistic regression analysis. The conclusion of this study is the pride of the batik model as follows: Function logistic regression / logit function: g (x) = 0,074 + 1,568X4(1)+2,159X4(2 this is case the islands as a comparison, X4(1)  is the place to stay in the village and X4(2)  is the place to stay in town, so the Model Opportunities p(x) = EXP(g(x))/1+EXP(g(x)).  Hopes for further research is to conduct research on the development of batik in an integrated region, the need to be disseminated to potential areas of particular potential in Madura batik, especially for residents who reside in the Islands.Keywords: Pride, Batik, Sumenep.

RURAL MEDICINE. CONDITION AND ISSUES

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-110
Author(s):  
Yuliya M. Beglyakova ◽  
◽  
Aleksander S. Shchirskii ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Health Services ◽  
Medical Care ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Rural Population ◽  
Rural Medicine ◽  
Self Medication ◽  
Medical Facilities ◽  
Treatment Facilities ◽  
Number Of Treatment ◽  
The Village

The article analyses the accessibility of medical facilities in rural areas of modern Russia and the specifics of their organization and development. The authors reveal causes why rural residents have much less opportunities to seek quality medical care than urban ones, what leads to a disparity between the inhabitants of the city and the village. The thesis is substantiated that state programmes that should make health services accessible to the rural population to a greater extent do not cope with the task at hand. An attempt is made to highlight the public’s response to the existing disparity in the health services of the villagers compared to urban dwellers. Such a reaction can be considered an outflow of people from rural areas, and an increase in self-medication among rural people as a result of the difficulty in obtaining health services. The decrease in the number of treatment facilities in rural areas leads to a deterioration in the medicine situation in rural areas. That, according to the authors of the article, justifies the need to study the issues associated with the provision of medical care to the rural population.

Asistensi Pendirian Badan Usaha Milik Desa Cibogo, Kecamatan Cisauk, Kabupaten Tangerang

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 350
Author(s):  
Taufik Raharjo ◽  
Ambang Aries Yudanto ◽  
I Gede Agus Ariutama
Keyword(s):  
Rural Development ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Group Discussion ◽  
National Development ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Outer Ring ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
The Village

As the Indonesian government has been committed, that the national development should be puting more focus from the outer-ring or rural areas. One of the instrument to boost the rural development is Village Fund. This decentralization transfer purposively targets to improve the village society’s welfare and alleviate social gap existed among societies. Village-owned enterprise (Badan Usaha Milik Desa or BUMDes) is provided as one of the strategic mechanism to create the welfare by proactively engage the community itsefl. In fact, BUMDes may incorporate Village Fund as capital alternative to support their establishment. This paper highlights the crucial factors in order to establish a village-owned enterprise (BUMDes) in case of Cibogo Village, Cisauk Sub-regency, Tangerang Regency. The study deploys a qualitative approach. To collect the data, we are scouting, interviewing and establishing Focused-Group Discussion that involving the possible parties which may contributes in creating BUMDes. The result has not yet concluded as the process of the research still going on. We predicts that the communities engagement, empowerment and also government support should be taken into account in the early process of establishing BUMDes. Eventually, proactive society’s control and participatory would be decent factors to support the operations of BUMDes itself.

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