scholarly journals Nostalgics, Thugs and Psycho-killers: Neo-fascists in Contemporary Italian Cinema

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfio Leotta
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Italian Cinema ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Crime Novel ◽  
The Military

Neo-fascism played a crucial role in the Italian political panorama of the second half of the twentieth century. However, despite its importance, this political movement has been significantly underrepresented in contemporary Italian cinema. Italian cinema has been traditionally characterized by a strong political commitment and left-wing film-makers have often attempted to examine issues emerging from within groups close to their own political position. While Italian cinema is characterized by a proliferation of films that focus on left wing or communist heroes, neo-fascists have been systematically excluded from screen representation or confined to the roles of one-dimensional villains: either dangerous, anti-social thugs like in Teste rasate/Skinheads (Fragasso, 1993); leaders of coup d’état associated with the military like in La polizia ringrazia/Execution Squad (Vanzina, 1972) and Vogliamo i Colonnelli/We Want the Colonels (Monicelli, 1973)or vicious psycho-killers like in San Babila ore 20: Delitto inutile/San Babila 8pm (Lizzani, 1976). However, today, twenty years after 1989 and the collapse of ideologies, Italian film-makers have started a process of historical revision that goes beyond the simplistic opposition good versus evil. This tendency is particularly apparent in recent productions such as Romanzo Criminale/Crime Novel (Placido, 2005) and particularly Mio fratello è figlio unico/My Brother Is an Only Child (Luchetti, 2007) which, while avoiding to justify or celebrate neo-fascist ideology, attempt to explore the sociocultural motivations that lie behind the political choice of Italian neo-fascists.

scholarly journals Nostalgics, Thugs and Psycho-killers: Neo-fascists in Contemporary Italian Cinema

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfio Leotta
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Italian Cinema ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Crime Novel ◽  
The Military

Neo-fascism played a crucial role in the Italian political panorama of the second half of the twentieth century. However, despite its importance, this political movement has been significantly underrepresented in contemporary Italian cinema. Italian cinema has been traditionally characterized by a strong political commitment and left-wing film-makers have often attempted to examine issues emerging from within groups close to their own political position. While Italian cinema is characterized by a proliferation of films that focus on left wing or communist heroes, neo-fascists have been systematically excluded from screen representation or confined to the roles of one-dimensional villains: either dangerous, anti-social thugs like in Teste rasate/Skinheads (Fragasso, 1993); leaders of coup d’état associated with the military like in La polizia ringrazia/Execution Squad (Vanzina, 1972) and Vogliamo i Colonnelli/We Want the Colonels (Monicelli, 1973)or vicious psycho-killers like in San Babila ore 20: Delitto inutile/San Babila 8pm (Lizzani, 1976). However, today, twenty years after 1989 and the collapse of ideologies, Italian film-makers have started a process of historical revision that goes beyond the simplistic opposition good versus evil. This tendency is particularly apparent in recent productions such as Romanzo Criminale/Crime Novel (Placido, 2005) and particularly Mio fratello è figlio unico/My Brother Is an Only Child (Luchetti, 2007) which, while avoiding to justify or celebrate neo-fascist ideology, attempt to explore the sociocultural motivations that lie behind the political choice of Italian neo-fascists.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey

Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Water Sharing ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

scholarly journals Yugoslav diplomacy and the Greek coup d’État of 1967

Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 397-425
Author(s):  
Ljubodrag Dimic
Keyword(s):  
Relevant Information ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Military ◽  
Near Future ◽  
Insight Into

Intensive conversations with members of political parties, closely reading the press, talks with other foreign diplomats, analytical evaluations of many individual events and their contextualization in the wider picture of the situation in Greece allowed Yugoslav diplomats to accurately assess the situation in the country, identify the potential of the military junta and the centers of putschist support in Greece and abroad, follow their showdown with left-wing and democratic options, recognize the ambitions of the putschist regime and the nature of their dictatorship, have insight into the situation of the opposition, make out te contours of a possible state-political system, monitor relations with neighboring countries, closely follow the regime?s position to the Macedonian minority, follow the moves of the monarch, assess the permanence of compromises, observe the pressure of the international public and the controversial behavior of the Great Powers, and offer prognoses of the course of events in the near future. Yugoslav diplomats collected some of the relevant information on the situation in Greece in other capitals (London, Ankara, Nicosia, Paris?). This information contributed to a wider evaluation of the existing circumstances and a sharper picture of the developments in Greece. The general opinion was that the Yugoslav diplomats were much better informed and more agile than their counterparts from other Eastern European counties, who were seen as ?slow?, ?unsure?, ??onfused?, ?contradictory? and so on. In the days and months following the coup, the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in Athens was a center where many came to be informed, consult with their peers, verify their assessments and hear Belgrade?s views. Besides the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, collected information was sent to Josip Broz Tito, Edvard Kardelj, Koca Popovic, Mijalko Todorovic, Marko Nikezic, Ivan Gosnjak, Petar Stambolic and Ivan Miskovic.

The constitutional troubles of Ọyọ in the eighteenth century

1971 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. C. Law
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Disputes

This paper examines the internal disputes which the Ọyọ kingdom suffered during the eighteenth century, and which had as their ultimate issue a coup d'état in ca. 1796 which is traditionally held to mark the beginning of the disintegration of the kingdom. The troubles began with a conflict within the capital of the kingdom, between the Alafin (king) and the Ọyọ Mesi, a group of non-royal chiefs led by the Baṣọrun, and the first phase of the troubles culminated in 1754 in a seizure of power by the Baṣọrun. It is suggested that this struggle between the Alafin and his chiefs had its origins in competition for control of the new sources of wealth derived from the expansion of the kingdom. In 1774 the Alafin overthrew the Baṣọrun and recovered power in the capital by calling in the assistance of the subject towns of the kingdom. It is argued that this action proved fatal to the Ọyọ kingdom, by involving the rulers of the provincial towns in the political disputes of the capital and revealing the military impotence of the divided capital. In ca. 1796 the provincial rulers intervened at the capital on the other side, assisting the Baṣọrun to overthrow the Alafin. But the coalition of dissident metropolitan chiefs and dissident provincial chiefs immediately broke up, and many of the latter began to disregard the divided capital and make themselves independent.

scholarly journals ¿“Un paso hacia la libertad”? El anarcosindicalismo español ante el primer golpe de Estado en Argentina = “A step towards freedom”? The Spanish anarcho-syndicalism and the first coup d’etat in Argentina

2020 ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
José Daniel Benclowicz
Keyword(s):  
Social Situation ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Transnational Relations ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Argentine History ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Do So

Resumen: Este trabajo examina las representaciones del anarcosindicalismo español de un suceso trascendente de la historia argentina: el golpe de Estado de 1930, el primero desde la organización política definitiva de este país. En esta línea, analizo la recepción de las noticias sobre la situación política y social argentina, atendiendo a la evolución de una desconocida y llamativa simpatía por el golpe militar que se plantea inicialmente en las páginas de Solidaridad Obrera, el periódico de la CNT. Se adopta una perspectiva transnacional que tiene en cuenta los diálogos y relaciones entre las distintas tendencias anarquistas a ambos lados del océano y la incidencia del contexto político de cada país. De este modo, además de dar cuenta de los posicionamientos cambiantes de la CNT, el trabajo aporta elementos para examinar el poco conocido devenir del anarquismo argentino en este período.Palabras clave: Anarcosindicalismo español, Representaciones de la Argentina, Primera mitad de los años 30, Golpe de Estado de 1930, Relaciones transnacionales.Abstract: This paper examines the representations of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism of a pivotal event in Argentine history: the coup d'etat of 1930, the first since the final political organization of this country. In order to do so, I analyze the reception of the news about the political and social situation in Argentina, charting the evolution of an unexpected and striking sympathy for the military coup, initially presented in the pages of Solidaridad Obrera, the CNT newspaper. A transnational perspective is adopted, which take into account the dialogues and relationships between the different anarchist tendencies on both sides of the Atlantic, as well as the impact of the political context of each country. Thus, in addition to providing an account of the changing positions of the CNT, the article also explores the little known development of Argentine anarchism in this period.Keywords: Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, Representations of Argentina, First half of the 1930s, Coup d'etat of 1930, Transnational relations.

scholarly journals Bey-Bulat Taymiev as an outstanding military and political figure of Chechnya in the first quarter of the XIX century

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-113
Author(s):  
Rustam Аlhazurovich Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova
Keyword(s):  
Effective Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
History Of ◽  
A Priority ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Figure

This paper analyzes the political and military situation prevailing in Chechnya at the end of XVIII - the first quarter of the XIX century. The authors note that the crisis of the military-political situation in Chechnya occurred after a number of regions and countries of the Caucasus joined Russia in the early XIX century. The establishment of effective control over the unconquered mountain people converted from a purely border problem into a strategic task for the tsarism. This task was given to General A.P. Yermolov who paid all his attention to the left wing (which included Chechnya) of the Caucasian line and Chechnya became a priority of his policy. A.P. Yermolov immediately began to carry out a rigid policy towards the mountaineers, the aim of frequent punitive expeditions was to intimidate the Chechens. A.P. Yermolovs policy gradually led to the consolidation of different Chechen communities, primarily divided into clans and tribes. This rigid policy of the Caucasian Chechen governor in 1825 raised uprising. Bay-Bulat Taymiev headed this movement. In this connection the paper also explores the uprising of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in 1825-1826, the causes and nature of the movement of mountaineers, analyzes the causes of the defeat and the result of the uprising. The authors assess the role and significance of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in the history of Chechnya.

scholarly journals “Karlson” – A Stasi “Kontakt Person”. An episode of Iceland’s Cold War legacy

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson ◽  
Markus Meckl
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
University Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Press ◽  
Chess Game ◽  
East German ◽  
Geographical Position ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

Iceland’s geographical position gave this small nation a special strategic importance in the political and military chess game between East and West during the Cold War era. Iceland constituted an important post for the NATO defence forces and surveillance activities. The military base and the NATO alignment created stark divisions among the population. The political discussion was framed in terms of the Cold War and the press in Iceland continuously suggested that the political motives of their opponents were conspicuously linked to or derived from either the interests of Soviet or Eastern European communism or US capitalist imperialism. It was in this circumstances that in the fifties and sixties young left wing people sought to undertake their university education in the Eastern block. The legacy of heated feelings of the Cold War has in many ways survived the Cold War itself. This article wants to contribute to the objectification of the debate by presenting the files from the archives of the East German secret service on one Icelandic student cooperating with it while studying in East Germany.

Coup D’état in Three Acts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Orbach
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Active Duty ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Budget

This chapter examines the Taishō political crisis of 1912–1913. It first considers Home Minister Hara Kei's “positive policy” and the military budget dispute of autumn 1912 involving the army and navy before discussing the imperial ordinance known as the “rule of active duty ministry.” It then turns to Prime Minister Saionji Kinmochi's conflict with the army and his successor Katsura Tarō's dispute with the navy. It also explains how the “active duty rule” and the political tools it had generated turned the budgetary dispute of autumn 1912 into a government crisis, and finally, into a military coup d'état. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ramifications of the Taishō political crisis for the future.

Liberation Movements in Power in Africa

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Southall
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primary Role ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Reverse Situation ◽  
Liberation Movements ◽  
The Military

Liberation movements in Africa are nationalist movements that have resorted to armed struggle to overthrow colonialism, white minority rule, or oppressive postcolonial governments. Claiming to represent the national will, some are intolerant of opposition, others dubious of the legitimacy of multiparty democracy: this difference is a reflection of whether the military wing of the liberation movement dominates the political movement or whether the reverse situation applies. In the post–Cold War era, liberation movements espouse notions of the “developmental state,” continuing to ascribe the state a primary role in economic development event though they may simultaneously embrace the market. The extent to which they subordinate political considerations and freedoms to the pursuit of economic growth dictates whether they pursue paths of authoritarian development or developmental stagnation

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