scholarly journals Is the Low Electoral Turnout of Indigenous People a Myth? Evidence from Subnational Elections in Chile, 2012-2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Mauricio Morales

Abundant evidence exists of the low electoral turnout of indigenous people. Among the reasons that explain this result are the weakness of political parties in representing indigenous people, the economic circumstances of ethnic minorities, and their experiences of discrimination. In general, these findings are based on analyses of national elections, and it is unclear if they hold equally at the subnational level. This study of the Mapuche ethnic group in Chile analyzed the electoral turnout in Chile’s 345 municipalities for the national elections of 2013 and 2017 and the subnational elections of 2012 and 2016. The study found the following. First, the electoral turnout in municipalities with the highest concentration of Mapuche is above the average for subnational elections and comparable to the average for national elections. Second, the electoral turnout in these municipalities increases in those subnational elections in which candidates with Mapuche surnames compete. Third, the electoral turnout increases even more in those municipalities in which Mapuche mayoral candidates win in subnational elections. 

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sofia Collignon

Traditionally, decentralization has been linked with the stability of the party system because it helps parties to succeed in national elections. Yet, previous research has frequently obviated the intertwined nature of multilevel party competition. This research takes a closer look at parties’ subnational electoral trajectories while arguing that decentralization increases the risk of new party demise by making subnational elections more attractive for all kinds of parties to compete in. The argument is tested applying survival analysis to the electoral trajectories of 1235 regional branches of political parties in 12 European countries. Results show that contrary to what has been stated previously on the literature, decentralization increases the risk of parties disappearing. This effect fades away the older and more consolidated the party becomes, and it is of particular relevance for regionalist parties. These findings have important implications for the literature on second-order elections and multilevel party competition.


Author(s):  
Elin Haugsgjerd Allern ◽  
Tània Verge

How parties structure their interaction with social groups is a key determinant of their capacity to provide linkage between the institutions of government and the public at large. This chapter investigates the extent to which modern political parties use formal measures to connect to relevant societal interests and strengthen their anchorage in society. The analysis centres on parties’ use of formal rules governing affiliation and representation to link with externally organized interests and parties’ establishment of sub-organizations with representation rights within the party. The chapter authors develop and test several hypotheses concerning cross-country and within-country sources of variation in formal linkage and test them empirically. In addition, they examine whether formal status and representation rights shape parties’ ability to represent descriptively the associated latent social interests focusing on the case of women and ethnic minorities.


Author(s):  
Jacob R. Gunderson

Scholars have long been concerned with the implications of income inequality for democracy. Conventional wisdom suggests that high income inequality is associated with political parties taking polarized positions as the left advocates for increased redistribution while the right aims to entrench the position of economic elites. This article argues that the connection between party positions and income inequality depends on how party bases are sorted by income and the issue content of national elections. It uses data from European national elections from 1996 to 2016 to show that income inequality has a positive relationship with party polarization on economic issues when partisans are sorted with respect to income and when economic issues are relatively salient in elections. When these factors are weak, however, the author finds no relationship between income inequality and polarization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 2129
Author(s):  
Fei Zhao ◽  
Lu Song ◽  
Zhiyan Peng ◽  
Jianqin Yang ◽  
Guize Luan ◽  
...  

Using toponym data, population data, and night-time light data, we visualized the development index of the Yi, Wa, Zhuang, Naxi, Hani, and Dai ethnic groups on ArcGIS as well as the distribution of 25 ethnic minorities in the study area. First, we extracted the toponym data of 25 ethnic minorities in the study area, combined with night-time light data and the population proportion data of each ethnic group, then we obtained the development index of each ethnic group in the study area. We compared the development indexes of the Yi, Wa, Zhuang, Naxi, Hani, and Dai ethnic groups with higher development indexes. The results show that the Yi nationality’s development index was the highest, reaching 28.86 (with two decimal places), and the Dai nationality’s development index was the lowest (15.22). The areas with the highest minority development index were concentrated in the core area of the minority development, and the size varied with the minority’s distance. According to the distribution of ethnic minorities, we found that the Yi ethnic group was distributed in almost the entire study area, while other ethnic minorities had obvious geographical distribution characteristics, and there were multiple ethnic minorities living together. This research is of great significance to the cultural protection of ethnic minorities, the development of ethnic minorities, and the remote sensing mapping of lights at night.


Slavic Review ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Groth

Much valuable information on the dynamics of Poland's political life between the world wars is still to be uncovered in the records of national elections. Of particular interest are the contests of 1919, 1922, and 1928, since in all of these elections political parties were still allowed to participate directly (as they were not in 1935 and 1938), and governmental restraint and manipulation were not yet so massive as to cast doubt on the entire result (as in 1930).


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uta Russmann ◽  
Jakob Svensson

This paper directs attention to the use of Instagram by political parties in the Swedish national elections in 2014. It investigates how political parties made use of Instagram – a platform centered around images – when engaging in interaction with their followers on the platform. Therefore, the paper analysis Instagram images including their captions and comments (posts) that Swedish parties have published four weeks prior to Election Day. A particular focus is on the deliberative potential of Instagram. The results suggest that not much changes on Instagram compared to other social media platforms: Political parties hardly used Instagram to interact with their followers and the few interactions taking place on parties Instagram accounts did not contribute to the exchange of relevant and substantive information about politics (i.e., deliberation). Interaction and deliberation is also not enhanced by the images.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Kari Alenius

This article analyzes how ethnic minorities were taken into account in the Finnish and Estonian constitutions, and why account was taken precisely in a certain way. At the same time, it approaches what kinds of views were presented by different political parties and interest groups, what kind of debate was being held in Parliament and how the matter was dealt with in the leading media. The outcome of the process in both countries was that exceptionally broad linguistic and cultural rights were given to minorities if the situation was compared with the rest of Europe. There were several factors behind the process. One factor was the relationship between ethnic groups in Finland and Estonia in the historical perspective. Another factor was each country's internal debate on what kind of social order in general was to be built. The third factor was how the politics in Finland and Estonia was influenced by international trends and theories about how ethnic minorities should have been treated.


Author(s):  
Pham Thi Phuong Thai ◽  
Ta Thi Thao ◽  
Vo Thi Hong Hanh ◽  
Vu Ngoc Xuan

Labor and employment issues, especially among ethnic minorities (ethnic minorities), are always considered to be the most important task in our Party and State guidelines and guidelines. In order to achieve the goal of sustainable development, employment policies are evaluated as the basic solution. Currently, the gap between rich and poor as well as social differentiation between ethnic minorities and ethnic minorities (ethnic minorities) (16 ethnic groups) residing in rural and mountainous areas compared to the country is quite large; The main reason is due to the underemployment of ethnic minority groups, which provides stable income, the main field of employment in agriculture and forestry. The study focused on investigating the Chut ethnic group, Quang Binh province and the O Du ethnic group, Nghe An province. By analyzing and synthesizing materials used in the research, on the basis of secondary and primary data sources, the author analyzes the situation and causes of the underemployment among ethnic minorities currently.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 222-237
Author(s):  
Muhammad Edy Susilo

AbstrakPemilihan umum merupakan salah satu Peristiwa penting yang akan menentukan arah perjalanan sebuahnegara. Ada 12 parti politik yang bertanding dalam pemilihan umum 2014. Pelaksanaan pemilihan umumtidak dapat dipisahkan dengan media,kerana media menjadi salah satu cara bagi parti politik untukmendapatkan pemilih. Di Indonesia, hubungan antara politik dengan media menjadi lebih rumit keranasebahagian besar ahli politik parti juga merupakan pemilik media massa nasional. Sudah menjadi sifatmedia, untuk selalu akan menyuarakan kepentingan pemiliknya. Namun, pada pemilihan umum 2014ada fenomena yang menarik iaitu luasnya penggunaan media sosial, seiring dengan meningkatnyapenggunaan internet di Indonesia. Maka, kempen politik bergeser dari ruang fizik menuju ruang maya.Jika pada pemilihan umum sebelum ini kempen politik selalu melibatkan massa yang besar, pawai atauorasi di tempat, terbuka, namun kali ini kempen yang dilakukan adalah lebih bersifat individu. Kempendilakukan melalui telefon pintar, komputer riba dan gajet yang lain. Dengan media sosial, masyarakatbukan lagi penonton yang pasif tetapi aktif. Masyarakat boleh menjadi penyampai maklumat dan bukanhanya sebagai penonton, sehingga dominasi media massa konvensional runtuh. Salah satu fenomenayang menonjol adalah munculnya Tokoh Joko Widodo, yang popular dengan nama Jokowi, sebagai salahsatu calon presiden dari Parti Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan. Jokowi berjaya menggunakan mediasosial untuk bekempen, walaupun partinya tidak memiliki media massa. Abstract General election is one of the crucial moments that will determine the development of a country. Thereare 12 political parties competing in the 2014 Indonesian national elections. The elections cannot beseparated with the media, because political parties use media in their campaign to influence voters. InIndonesia, the relationship between politics and the media becomes more complicated because most ofthe party’s political elites are also the owner of the national mass media. It is the nature of media, to alwaysbe voicing the interests of its owner. However, in the 2014 elections there is an interesting phenomenon:the increasing use of social media, along with the increasing penetration of the Internet in Indonesia. Thus,the political campaign shifted from physical space to the virtual space. If in the previous elections, politicalcampaigns always involve huge masses and rhetorics in the open space; in this election the campaigncarried more personal. Now, campaigns are conducted through smart phones, laptops and other gadgets.With social media, people are no longer passive but active audience. People can be a message producerand not just as an audience, so the conventional media dominance collapsed. One of the prominentphenomenon is the rising popularity of the president candidates from the Partai Demokrasi IndonesiaPerjuangan, Joko Widodo, who is popularly known as Jokowi. Jokowi has successfully used social mediafor the campaign, even though his political party does not have the mass media.


Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-50
Author(s):  
Marc Swyngedouw ◽  
Jaak Billiet

Taking into account the limits of such data, this study analyses the shifts in voting behaviour from the national elections in 1985 to those in 1987 in Flanders, using log-linear modelling. The use of data from poll surveys for estimating shifts between subsequent elections poses some methodological problems.The second part presents the results of the analysis. About 13,51 % of -the 1985-voters switched. Although there are significant shifts between all the political parties, the Christian Democratic Party (CVP) loses on all fronts. A log-linear analysis of party-reference by sex, age and occupational status shows the strength and weakness of each party in different societal categories. In conclusion, an interpretation of the shifts is proposed. The following factors can account for the major shifts : the desintegration of the catholic pillar, the emergence of a dual society, the affinity between neo-liberalism and yuppie-culture and the conflict between the language communities.


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