scholarly journals Russian “Party of Power” vs Dominant Party

2021 ◽  
Vol 103 (4) ◽  
pp. 183-199
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Nisnevich
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Administrative Positions ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Lower Chamber ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Electoral Corruption

The article presents a factual analysis of the origin and formation of the “party of power” in Russia. The work demonstrates that at all stages the Russian “party of power” was designed and controlled by the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. The research carried out by the author shows that Russia’s “party of power” does not meet the criteria that would allow to qualify this political party as dominant, in any of its “incarnations”. This fully applies to the United Russia party that does not exert a significant impact on the appointments to the political and administrative positions and does not have any effect on the decisions that determine the state’s policy. The dominance of the United Russia party in the electoral field is ensured primarily by the electoral corruption, as well as by the fact that its “electoral machine” is represented by the system of public authorities at all levels, from federal to local. In turn, the dominance of this party in the State Duma and the rigid and strictly hierarchical administrative structure that it built in the lower chamber of the Russian Parliament allows the Presidential Administration to control the legislative process and parliamentary activity in general. According to the author’s conclusion, the “party of power” is an externally controlled political organization of a party type that protects the interests of Russia’s ruling nomenklatura and implements its goals in the processes of the formation of public authorities through electoral procedures, as well as in the course of the legislative and parliamentary activity. Not only does such an organization fail to meet the criteria of the dominant party, but it also fails to fully correspond to the concept of a political party per se.

Modern problems of the activities of public authorities in the light of their legiti-macy

2021 ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Аvdeev
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Modern System ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Existing Structure

The article examines the constitutional foundations of the legitimacy of public authorities, concludes that their activities correspond to the political interests of Russian citizens. The problem of the legitimacy of the activities of public authorities in the Russian Federation and the process of their legitimation, after the constitutional amendments, acquired particular relevance. Participation in the management of state affairs is determined by the peculiarities of the modern system of organization of power, as well as the ability of citizens to influence the functioning of the activities of its bodies, which makes it possible to determine the degree of legitimacy of public administration. The author, analyzing the existing structure of public authorities through the prism of the legitimacy of their activities, identifies some problems of an organizational nature and suggests ways of solving them in this regard.

scholarly journals Elections of Deputies of the State Duma of the Second Convocation (1995-1999): the Success of the Anti-reform Opposition, the Failure of the “Party of Power” and the Defeat of the Democrats (to the 30th Anniversary of the Russian Federation)

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-396
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Nisnevich
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Active Interest ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Electoral Corruption ◽  
Russian Politics

The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. The political context of these elections is assessed as a confrontation between the “party in power” and the anti-reform opposition. To counteract the opposition, the “party in power” created its own political structure to participate in the elections — the movement “Our Home-Russia” (NDR), headed by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. An analysis of the process of creating the PDR movement, which took place under the auspices of the Presidential Administration, confirms the use of the administrative resource of the presidential and executive powers in this process. The creation of the NDR movement led to the erosion of the reformist-democratic wing. The weakening of this flank was also facilitated by the fact that the political organizations forming it could not unite. Two leading political organizations with a reformist-democratic orientation — Yegor Gaidar’s Democratic Choice of Russia party and Grigory Yavlinsky’s Yabloko public association did not create a common electoral bloc, although there were objective prerequisites for this. A significant aspect of the 1995 election campaign was the fact that Russian industry corporations and financial and industrial groups began to show an active interest in the elections of deputies. They began to incorporate lobbyists of their interests into the parliamentary corps. At the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. success accompanied the anti-reform opposition and, above all, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, failure befell the “party of power” represented by the NDR movement, and the reformist democrats who failed to unite suffered a crushing defeat. The State Duma of the second convocation had a pronounced anti-reform and oppositional character to the incumbent president and the executive branch, but at the same time it was a fairly independent political institution, which retained certain opportunities for competitive legislative activity and the search for compromises in crisis situations. The 1995 elections cannot be assessed as completely fair and free, and, starting with these elections, the bacillus of electoral corruption was introduced into the organism of Russian politics.

scholarly journals The Victory of Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) in Ngada as the Form of Public Distrust against the Party

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 188
Author(s):  
Bertolomeus Loji Sua
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
The People ◽  
Depth Interviews

A political party is a political organization represented by individuals who work for the people with the ideology embraced by the party itself. The task of a political party is to provide political education and lead according to the people’s desires. But what if today’s political party has unconsciously formed the public distrust? The phenomenon of the PAN victory in Ngada district-Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT) was a symbol of Ngada’s public distrust toward the party itself, as well as the previous political parties that had won in Ngada. This study aimed to assess the public distrust toward political parties, by looking at the phenomenon of the PAN victory in Ngada. The method used in this research was qualitative research, with in-depth interviews with sources in the field. In this study, the author found some interesting things related to the society and politics in Ngada. One of those things was that the people neither trust nor put hope in the political parties in the matter of responding to their wishes and communities’ development in Ngada. The PAN victory in Ngada was an interesting phenomenon in the political sphere that showed the public’s distrust of the parties today.

The 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines: Party system pathologies and Duterte’s populist mobilization

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio Cabral Teehankee ◽  
Yuko Kasuya
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Midterm Elections

The May 13, 2019 midterm elections were generally seen as a referendum on the first three years of the presidency of Rodrigo R Duterte. The elections tested and consolidated the political strength of Duterte as the country’s populist strongman president. Most of the national and local candidates he endorsed won their contests for the 18,066 national and local positions. The election also resulted in a victory for the administration’s nine senatorial candidates (out of 12 seats) and a majority of its governors, mayors, and local legislators. The results follow the historical patterns of midterm elections in the post-authoritarian period. But unlike previous Philippine presidents, Duterte did not personally endeavor to consolidate his political support under his dominant party solely through the systematic mobilization of patronage. Duterte eschewed patronage-based political party building in favor of populist mobilization or the rallying of mass supporters toward contentious political action with minimum institutional intermediation. With a record high trust rating, Duterte was not only an active endorser of candidates, but he was also both a staunch defender of his allies and a relentless attacker of the opposition. In the end, the biggest winners in the 2019 midterm elections were not the candidates but Duterte himself.

scholarly journals Democracy and Social Welfare in Uruguay and Paraguay

2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (01) ◽  
pp. 120-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Davide Grassi
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Welfare Systems ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Domestic Economies

AbstractThis article aims to assess how democracy affects social welfare by analyzing Uruguay and Paraguay, one country with a vibrant democratic history and a progressive political landscape, the other with a generally authoritarian past and a conservative dominant party. The article maintains that welfare systems in these countries have been critically shaped by the impact of democracy, or by its absence, and by the strategies adopted by major social and political actors, especially parties; these strategies have been determined, in turn, by parties' ideologies and by the workings of electoral competition. The article also emphasizes that the impact of democracy on social welfare is critically mediated by the role of previous welfare legacies, the presence of welfare constituencies defending acquired rights and privileges, and social and economic variables, such as overall wealth levels, the formal or informal nature of labor markets, and the political organization of domestic economies.

Certain Tendencies of the Constitutional-Legal Regulation of Party Formation in the Russian Federation

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Эмиль Алимов ◽  
Emil Alimov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Party Building ◽  
The Russian Federation

This article is devoted to the study of certain tendencies of the political parties constitutional regulation in the Russian Federation. With the aid of analysis of the political parties functioning legislation, the legal positions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation and the European Court of Human Rights the author demonstrates the dynamics of the Russian legislation in the field of the party building, as well as the different approaches used in these courts in the interpretation of some restrictive regulation in context of the topic. It is noted that political parties are an important segment of modern democracy and they play an important part not only in the electoral process, but also in the deputy-voter mutual relationship; also political parties can affect certain public authorities. Accordingly showing up general rules of the legislation development in this area and their comparative legal analysis would not only clearly define the real situation of the political parties in Russia and reveal the existing problems, but also indicate a vector for the further development of the constitutional regulations in this field.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

ОЦЕНКА ПЕРСПЕКТИВ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО БУДУЩЕГО РОССИЙСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖЬЮ

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
O. V. Lagutin ◽  
E. O. Negrov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Significant Group ◽  
North West ◽  
Youth Leaders ◽  
The North ◽  
Rfbr Grant ◽  
The Russian Federation

The article deals with the assessment of the prospects of the political future by representatives of Russian youth. The text of the article has been prepared within the framework of the project “Potential of Youth Political Leadership in The Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of Elites in the Russia Regions in the 2010s (using the example of South-Western Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation), RFBR grant No. 18-011-01184. The relevance of the research is in combining a fundamental review of the main directions of research of the role of youth participation in the social and political process and the involvement of a specific empirical study conducted in the spring of 2019, which allows highlighting various aspects of the situation. The empirical part of the study is based on the study “Ideas of Youth about Possibilities of Youth Leaders and Youth Organizations in Russia”, which was conducted in spring 2019 in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation — Altai Territory, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions and St. Petersburg. The method of research was a personal standardized interview, the sample size was 1000 respondents (250 in each of the regions), representatives of young people aged 14 to 30 permanently reside in the territory of the studied subjects of the federation. Based on factor and cluster analyzes, the main models of expectations of the political future are presented. The article should be of interest to researchers, both professionally involved, and simply interested in the topic of the influence of the real political process on such a significant group of the population as youth.

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