scholarly journals Revitalizing Local Wisdom in Committing Radicalism in Aceh

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Happy Saputra ◽  
Mahdalena Nasrun ◽  
Muhammad Anzaikhan

Local wisdom is known as a cultural asset that develops in an area, all policies and customs that play a role in Aceh will become a culture that is respected and appreciated in Aceh. In its development, local wisdom is very influential in protecting people's thoughts, including the seeds of radicalism. The existence of radicalism in Aceh was most evident during the conflict between the Republic of Indonesia and the separatist movement in Aceh. After the peace period of the MOU Helsingki took place, radicalism in Aceh did not occur openly. Only ripples of thought trying to incite from within the disapproval of the current government. You could say, the turmoil arose because of the influence of political color, where the current population of Aceh is quantitatively more inclined to the failed presidential candidate. The problem raised in this study is how to revitalize the values ​​of Aceh's local wisdom which are threatened with fading due to the globalization of foreign cultures. This research design uses qualitative with reference sources based on literature and field studies. The analysis technique is descriptive. The findings of this study are that local wisdom is ideal in countering the existence of radicalism in Aceh through the media meuseumeuraya, tengku authorities, implementing the values ​​of ‘hadih madja’, sub-district da'i programs, and so on. In conclusion, strengthening local wisdom in Aceh is very urgent because the character of the Acehnese people respects traditional values ​​and authority more than the government authority.  Abstrak: Kearifan lokal dikenal sebagai aset budaya yang berkembang di suatu daerah, semua kebijakan dan kebiasaan yang memainkan peran keacehan akan menjadi suatu kultur yang dihormati dan dihargai di Aceh. Pada perkembangannya kearifan lokal sangat berpengaruh dalam memproteksi pemikiran masyarakat termasuk bibit-bibit radikalisme. Eksistensi radikalisme di Aceh paling kentara terjadi pada masa konflik antara NKRI dan gerakan sparatis di Aceh. Setelah masa damai MOU Helsingki terjadi, radikalisme di Aceh tidak terjadi secara terbuka. Hanya riak-riak pemikiran yang mencoba menghasut dari dalam tentang ketidaksetujuan terhadap pemerintahan saat ini. Bisa dibilang, gejolak itu muncul karena pengaruh warna politik yang mana saat ini penduduk Aceh secara kuantitas lebih condong pada calon Presiden yang gagal terpilih. Adapun masalah yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana merevitalisasikan nilai-nilai kearifan lokal Aceh yang terancam pudar akibat serangan globalisasi budaya luar. Design penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif dengan sumber referensi berbasis kajian pustaka dan lapangan. Teknik analisis berupa deskriptif. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah kearifan lokal sangat ideal dalam menangkal eksistensi radikalisme di Aceh melalui media meuseumeuraya, otoritas tengku,implementasi nilai hadih madja, program da’i kecamatan dan lain sebagainya.  Kesimpulannya, penguatan kearifan lokal di Aceh sangat urgen karena karakter masyarakat Aceh lebih menghormati nilai dan otoritas adat dibanding otoritas pemerintah. Kata-kata kunci: revitalisasi, kearifan lokal, radikalisme

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Linh Kieu Duong

For historians, the media is an important historical source. Con Dao is a special province of Vietnam. The paper presents an approach to Con Dao through historical sources of the Saigon press before 1975 to have a more comprehensive view. Through the content as the name implies, through natural, economic, social and cultural conditions, and potential development evaluation, the original intentions of the government of The Republic of Saigon on prison issues and on the terror cannot be changed. Through a number of important events such as the return of prisoners of war from Con Dao in 1973, etc. the author aims to add a view and wish to confirm the value of historical sources of media while approaching and presenting a problem of history, and so on.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Vena Lidya Khairunnisa ◽  
Mochammad Ilham Nurrobby

The purpose of this study was to find out the legal problems experienced by female journalists over gender inequality during the Covid-19 pandemic and to find out the legal protections to overcome these problems. The type of research used is a normative legal research type with an invitation approach and a historical approach. The findings in this paper are, during the Covid-19 pandemic, gender inequality towards female journalists has increased. It is still very rare for people to raise issues related to gender inequality experienced by female journalists. Examples of problems with a gender perspective in the media are the lack of involvement for women in journalism activities, marginalization and subordination positions for women in various fields, legitimacy regarding gender bias, dominating economic and political interests, regulations on media that are not sensitive to gender and between conventional journalism and gender. equality. The government in Indonesia officially adheres to the principle of equality as regulated in Article 27 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which states that all Indonesian citizens are equal before the law. Therefore, journalists must be able to enjoy gender and legal protection for the gender inequality they experience. It is necessary to reconstruct the law, considering that women have the same position as men in terms of their position, rights and obligations so that they have equal opportunities in various fields.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-69
Author(s):  
Ni Wayan SINARYATI ◽  
I Gede ARTHA

Corruption is committed by state officials, law enforcement and other related parties. Various efforts have been made by the government in preventing and eradicating corruption in Indonesia, but the efforts that have been made have not yet gotten optimal results. The fundamental weakness in eradicating corruption in Indonesia is the formulation of the main criminal sanctions in the form of criminal threats that are facultative, uncertain or must be. So that the corruptors are never deterred or afraid. In the future, the legislators need to reformulate the provisions of Article 2 paragraph (2) of the Republic of Indonesia Law Number 31 of 1999 as amended to Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 20 of 2001 concerning Eradication of Corruption. Various criminal law policies still need to be carried out by the state in order to eradicate corruption to achieve the expected results. This type of research in this paper uses the type of normative legal research. The type of approach is in the form of a legal approach related to corruption. There are two legal materials used, namely primary legal materials and secondary legal materials, with legal material collection techniques used in the form of library studies. The analysis technique used is descriptive, interpretation, evaluation and argumentative techniques. The research in this paper intends and aims to examine and analyze the facts and phenomena of corruption that are stated in specific legislation concerning criminal sanctions (capital punishment) for corruptors in Indonesia. Moreover, corruption is qualified as an extraordinary crime so it needs extraordinary handling as well.


Author(s):  
Byron Andino Veloz

We analyze Rafael Correa's discursive strategy for the construction of his pro-recipients and counter-recipients with their political representations in 2018, when he is out of the presidency of the Republic of Ecuador and is attacked systematically by the government of Lenín Moreno. Correa uses the logic of confrontation and antagonism against Moreno as the center of his criticism, who would be an ally of the media, economic and political groups. His story about the past and the present highlights the myth of the Citizen Revolution, also warns and creates fear about the danger for Ecuador due to the return of the negative “past” of instability and crisis.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Mayara Archieris Amorim ◽  
Maria da Conceição Fonseca-Silva

Apresentamos, neste trabalho, resultados da análise de quatro sequências discursivas retiradas de textos que circularam na mídia e que discursivizam sobre o sujeito pragmático Marina Silva, candidata à presidência da República do Brasil, nas eleições de 2010 e 2014. Para procedermos à análise dos dados, mobilizamos pressupostos teóricos da Análise de Discurso, das Ciências Humanas e das Ciências Sociais e Aplicadas. Os resultados indicaram o funcionamento de uma posição-sujeito utópico imbricada com efeitos-sentido de utopia. Palavras-chave: Análise de Discurso. Efeito-sujeito. Efeito-sentido. Política. ABSTRACTWe present in this work , analysis of results of four discursive sequences taken from texts that circulated in the media and that discursivizam on the pragmatic subject Marina Silva, presidential candidate of the Republic of Brazil , in the elections of 2010 e 2014. To proceed to the analysis of data, we mobilize theoretical assumptions of Discourse Analysis, Humanities and Social and Applied Sciences. The results indicated the operation of a subject position utopian imbricated with effects sense of utopia.KEYWORDS: Discourse Analysis. Effect sense. Effect subject. Policy.  


Author(s):  
Tri Ubayanto ◽  
Sudarsono Sudarsono ◽  
Iwan Permadi ◽  
Setyo Widagdo

The purpose of this study is to find out about the setting of the authority of the Indonesian National Army (TNI)  overcoming the armed separatist movement, armed insurgency, and acts of terrorism in Law NRI Number. This research is normative legal research using the statutory approach, historical approach, comparative approach, philosophical approach. The analysis technique is done by qualitative juridical analysis. The results showed that the legis ratio of regulating the authority of the Indonesian National Army in overcoming armed separatist movements, armed insurgency, and acts of terrorism in RI law number 34 of 2004 concerning the Indonesian National Army was departed from the desire to abandon the dual function model of ABRI, namely as a security and security forces and as a social-political force. As a social and political force, ABRI at that time had a role as a stabilizer, a dynamist, as a pioneer, and as an implementer of Pancasila democracy. With the enactment of RI law number 34 of 2004 concerning the Indonesian National Army, changing the Indonesian National Army as a means of defense of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, which is tasked with implementing a state defense policy to uphold national sovereignty, maintain territorial integrity, and protect national security, carry out military operations for war and military operations other than war, and actively participate in the task of maintaining regional and international peace


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 2292-2305
Author(s):  
Nunuk Parwati ◽  
Burhan Rifuddin

This research discusses how the efforts to empower UMKM are owned by people who do not have higher education and need business capital through the Nanda Work Savings and Loan Cooperative in Bone-Bone Village, Luwu Utara Regency). The method used is descriptive qualitative research methods, and data sources used primary data through field studies and secondary data through literature studies, with data collection techniques observation, interviews, and documentation. The data analysis technique uses three processes: data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. Based on the results, it is concluded that the role of the Karya Nanda cooperative in community empowerment helps the government to reduce the number of unemployed and help the community to lend funds as the start of their business capital, as for the obstacles found in cooperative management, namely that there are still many people who invest their capital in outside parties or non-cooperatives.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-487
Author(s):  
Sue Davis

Elections are one of the major ways in which democratic governments maintain legitimacy. Do elections serve the same functions in transitioning, non-democratic, or semi-democratic systems? Perhaps the relationship between elections and legitimacy is different in systems that are not fully democratic? And what of the media? Is their role the same or is the role they play dependent upon the type of system in which they exist? The Republic of Georgia offers an interesting case in which to look at these relationships. I would posit that in transitioning, non-democratic, and semi-democratic systems, elections serve a different function than in a fully democratic society and the media are one tool that leaders in such systems can use to enhance their legitimacy. When non-democratic leaders enjoy popularity, there is no need to finesse the media since positive coverage is easy to come by when you are popular. But if your popularity is waning and democratic habits are not well ingrained, the temptation to overtly or covertly subvert the media can be quite intense. So instead of maintaining legitimacy, elections may serve to create legitimacy or at least the appearance of legitimacy when legitimacy is lacking. To that end, regimes and leaders cannot afford to lose, and moreover need to win, elections by large margins if their legitimacy is questionable. Therefore, control over the media is more important when this is the case. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between media freedom and regime insecurity, as the insecurity of the regime goes up, the freedom of the media goes down. Couple this tendency with the fact that the media in these transitioning systems have not fully become a “fourth estate” that is strong, independent, and can hold the government and political leaders accountable and you have a climate in which the media are harassed, biased, and often co-opted. Georgia, through the 2000 presidential election, is such a political system.


Author(s):  
Rita Martini

AbstractThis study aims to analyze the effect of market retribution contributions on Regional Original Revenue (PAD). This type of research is associative descriptive with quantitative methods. The study was conducted on twelve districts/cities in South Sumatra Province. The data used in the form of financial statements of the local government of South Sumatra Province during the 2014-2016 period from the Republic of Indonesia Supreme Audit Agency (BPK RI). The analysis technique uses the Simple Linear Regression method. This stud y proves that the contribution of market retribution is 19.30% of the PAD of regencies/cities in the province of South Sumatra, which are classified as very low. The low contribution of market retribution to PAD is the duty of the government to explore the potential that can be used as a source of revenue for regional retribution. Keywords: local revenue, market retribution


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-198
Author(s):  
M. Agung Hidayatulloh

Early child is known as an individual who is vulnerable to a number of events that threaten his personal safety. These risks make the government of the Republic of Indonesia (RI) entrust teachers to teach early about safety behaviors. This article discusses the media that teachers use to introduce safety behaviors in early childhood. This qualitative study was conducted in four early childhood education units in Salatiga, Semarang, and Boyolali. Data collection techniques used were observation, interview, and documentation. It was stated that the teacher introduces safety behavior through the media that supports three children's learning styles, namely auditory, visual, and kinesthetic. The media are in the form of healthy walk, educative teaching aids (APE) of traffic, helmets, switches and sockets, scissors, oral, doormats and cloths, as well as pickup cards. The research findings imply that the introduction of safety behaviors should be adapted to the context.


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