scholarly journals Modal Politik dan Modal Sosial Athari Gauthi Ardi Pada Kemenangan Pemilu Legislatif Tahun 2019 di Provinsi Sumatera Barat

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-185
Author(s):  
Reninta Ananda ◽  
Tengku Rika Valentina
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Public ◽  
West Sumatra ◽  
Study Case ◽  
The Relationship

In the 2019 legislative elections in West Sumatra, social capital and political capital are one of the ways in which actors can compete with their political opponents, in order to attract the attention of the public to support it. Birner and Witmer state that the concept of political capital makes it possible to study local communities using social capital to achieve political goals, and Bourdieu also said that social capital is in the form of actual and potential resources owned by someone from an institutionalized and ongoing social network that provide collective support for its members. The focus of this study is to explain how Athari Gauthi Ardi used Political Capital and Social Capital as a tool to win himself in political contestation in the 2019 legislative elections. Parental power used by Athari Gauthi Ardi to win the 2019 legislative elections in West Sumatra. Researchers' assumptions emerge that one of Athari Gauthi Ardi's capitals is political capital owned by his parents. The purpose of this study is to determine the political capital and social capital utilized by Athari Gauthi Ardi in the 2019 legislative elections and the relationship between political capital and social capital to Athari Gauthi Ardi's victory in the 2019 legislative general election. This study used study case qualitative methods. The results of this study indicate that Athari Gauthi Ardi has sufficient capital, such as : (1) Parent's network and Ali Mukhni's network are used by Athari Gauthi Ardi. (2) Political support obtained by Athari Gauthi Ardi from the community, religious and traditional leaders, the PAN Party, and regional cadres from the West Sumatra of PAN party. (3) Athari Gauthi Ardi was  intelligent woman with a tough personality, diligent and also can mingle with the community. (4) As well as sufficient economic capital owned by Athari Gauthi Ardi and his parents, who is a successful businessman.

scholarly journals Pemanfaatan Modal Dedi Sitorus Sebagai Pendatang Baru PILEG Tahun 2019 DAPIL Kaltara

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Ansar Ansar ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Ferry Kurnia Rizkiansyah
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Field Data ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Air Transportation ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Regional Authorities ◽  
Central Level

This paper aims to determine the capital utilization of a newcomer candidate who wins in an electoral district that has just been expanded, the problem is focused on how aspects of social capital, political capital and economic capital of a newcomer actor. In order to approach this problem, the theoretical reference from Bordieu (1992) and Maridjan (2006) data collected through field data and documentation is used and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that Dedi Sitorus's victory was due to having more than one capital. There are several important fundamental considerations such as: first, Dedi Sitorus' social capital has a Social Network in the Nunukan community, Second, Dedi Sitorus' political capital has support from parties starting from the central level and also the DPC administrator at the Nunukan Regency level and also the support from regional authorities and also figures Local Politics, Third Economic Capital Dedi Sitorus has very large finances so he does not need donors to carry out his campaign and has the ability to rent air transportation to carry out mobility in campaigns. With the accumulation of all the capital owned, Dedi Sitorus can take advantage and use the moment well so that he gets a significant vote in the 2019 legislative elections.

scholarly journals Jeje-Adang's Capital Relations in Local Election of Pangandaran Regency

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-388
Author(s):  
Ratnia Solihah ◽  
Arry Bainus ◽  
Mudiyati Rahmatunnisa
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Field Studies ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Politics And Government ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Capital Ownership ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Descriptive Method

The study of Jeje-Adang's capital relations in Pangandaran Regency election aims to analyze the influence of one capital to other capital ownership process which ultimately plays a role in winning political contestation. This study uses qualitative approach with descriptive method through field studies by means of interviews, documentation, and literature studies. The study results indicate a relationship between political capital, economic capital, and Jeje-Adang's social capital in local election of Pangandaran Regency. In this relation, the utilization of social capital contributes to the acquisition of Jeje-Adang's political and economic capital. Enhancement of the pair's social capital is due to the use of political capital through their involvement in politics and government and the utilization of economic capital as entrepreneurs prior to the election. Thus, the relationship between political capital, social capital, and economic capital of Jeje-Adang is contributed to their winning in Pangandaran Regency election.

scholarly journals Populist radical right parties, welfare policy and population health in Europe

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Population Health ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.

On Hearing the Daughters’ Call

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-155
Author(s):  
Elva Orozco Mendoza ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Performance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Northern Mexico ◽  
Political Theories ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Maternal Activism ◽  
The Human Condition

This article offers an interpretation of anti-feminicide maternal activism as political in northern Mexico by analyzing it alongside Hannah Arendt’s concepts of freedom, natality, and the child in The Human Condition. While feminist theorists often debate whether maternalism strengthens or undermines women’s political participation, the author offers an unconventional interpretation of Arendt’s categories to illustrate that the meaning and practice of maternalism radically changes through the public performance of motherhood. While Arendt does not seem the best candidate to navigate this debate, her concepts of freedom and the child provide a productive perspective to rethink the relationship between maternalism and citizenship. In making this claim, this article challenges feminist political theories that depict motherhood as the chief source of women’s subordination. In the case of northern Mexico, anti-feminicide maternal activism illustrates how the political is also a personal endeavor, thereby complementing the famous feminist motto.

scholarly journals Afiliasi Partai Aceh Ke Partai Nasional (Studi Kasus: Keikutsertaan Kader Partai Aceh Dalam Partai Nasional Pada Pemilu Legislatif DPR RI 2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rahmad Saputra ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Leo Agustino
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
National Party ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Local Party

The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the political affiliation of Aceh party cadres to national parties. Through this research, it was found that the Aceh Party continues to strive to consistently fight for the interests of Aceh, especially in the issue of special autonomy that has not yet been realized. Then the Aceh Party as a local party that won the General Election in Aceh since 2009 has continued to try to maintain the acquisition of seats and expand the interests of the party, especially at the national level by placing its cadres in the national party.

scholarly journals Family Capital, Learning Engagement, and Students’ Higher Education Gains: An Empirical Study in Mainland China

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (21) ◽  
pp. 11571
Author(s):  
Shutao Wang ◽  
Cui Huang
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Social Capital ◽  
Cultural Capital ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Mediating Effect ◽  
Learning Engagement ◽  
Family Capital ◽  
The Relationship

This study aimed to determine whether learning engagement plays a mediating effect on the relationship between family capital and students’ higher education gains in mainland China. We used family capital, learning engagement, and higher education gains as measures and analyzed data using a structural equation model. Data were collected from 1334 students at a Chinese university. The results show that family cultural capital had the most significant effect on students’ learning engagement, while economic capital also played a positive role, and social capital had no significant impact. Learning engagement played a mediating role in the relationship between cultural capital and higher education gains, as did the relationship between economic capital and higher education gains. However, learning engagement did not have a mediating effect on the relationship between social capital and higher education gains. Our results show that we should focus on the importance of students’ learning engagement, improve the cultural capital of disadvantaged groups, and provide financial support for students from low-income families.

Reading inquiry through the prism of unemployement

2020 ◽  
pp. 201-216
Author(s):  
Guillaume Heuguet
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Doctoral Students ◽  
Science Inquiry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

This exploratory text starts from a doctoral-unemployed experience and was triggered by the discussions within a collective of doctoral students on this particularly ambiguous status since it is situated between student, unemployed, worker, self-entrepreneur, citizen-subject of social rights or user-commuter in offices and forms. These discussions motivated the reading and commentary of a heterogeneous set of texts on unemployment, precariousness and the functioning of the institutions of the social state. This article thus focuses on the relationship between knowledge and unemployment, as embodied in the public space, in the relationship with Pôle Emploi, and in the academic literature. It articulates a threefold problematic : what is known and said publicly about unemployment? What can we learn from the very experience of the relationship with an institution like Pôle Emploi? How can these observations contribute to an understanding of social science inquiry and the political role of knowledge fromm precariousness?

Liberal Democracy, Human Rights, and the Eucharistic Community: Contrasting Voices in American Orthodox Ethics

2021 ◽  
pp. 095394682110459
Author(s):  
Philip LeMasters
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Engagement ◽  
Social Ethics ◽  
Human Person ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Christianity ◽  
Eastern Orthodoxy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Orders ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between Eastern Orthodoxy and the political ethos of the West is of crucial importance for contextualizing the Church’s social engagement in the present day. Aristotle Papanikolaou and Vigen Guroian highlight points of tension in their respective accounts of the relationship between the Orthodoxy and western democratic social orders. Analysis of their argument provides a context for examining their contrasting understandings of human rights as a dimension of the public engagement of Orthodox Christians with the political realm. While neither completely rejects appeals to human rights, neither claims that such rhetoric manifests the full truth about the dignity of the human person according to the theological anthropology of Orthodox Christianity. Patriarch Bartholomew of Constantinople, Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos of Albania, the statements of the Council of Crete (2016), and several other contemporary Orthodox voices place appeals to human rights in a theologically nuanced context that affirms their legitimacy while refraining from identifying them with the fullness of the moral and spiritual vision of Orthodox Christianity. Analysis of the debate between Papanikolaou and Guroian gives rise to a tentative affirmation of the critical use of the language of human rights in Eastern Orthodox social ethics.

Concluding Remarks to Part 3

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Third Sphere ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.

Somali Resistance to Colonial Rule and the Development of Somali Political Activity in Kenya 1893–1960

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Somali Youth

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.

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