scholarly journals PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN DI SEKTOR MIGAS PASCA REZIM ORDE BARU

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Syamsul Ma’arif
Keyword(s):  
International Finance ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Change Policy ◽  
The People ◽  
Bargaining Position ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Government Capacity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Petroleum Sector

Monetary crisis that later developed wide become economic crisis at the end of 1997 had cripled the government capacity in providing material resources for the people. Politically, the crisis had made people’s support decline and created low trust over the government. In order to protect the existence, the government demanded support of the international finance institution especially IMF. Consequently, weak bargaining position of the government made the government could’nt avoid political intervention of IMF and other international finance institution which were so dominant in forcing the government to change economy policy radically. One of policy change was done through liberalization of petroleum sector as a sector which had been regulated strickly by the government for a long time. Lesson learn that could be taken were: firstly, situation of crisis created pressure to change policy radically; secondly, need of capital injection in large number from abroad had made policy change be domined by international capitalist.

Formation of the research tradition of studying the institute Parliamentarism as a mechanism for the establishment of democracy

2017 ◽  
pp. 187-198
Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Research Tradition ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Regimes

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism

scholarly journals Citizen’s Charter a Mechanism for Accountability: An Analysis of India Conditions

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
Ramthanpuia Pachuau
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Administrative Reforms ◽  
The People ◽  
Official Statement ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Country

The initiatives of Citizen’s Charter are an effort in solving citizen’s problems that they encounter regularly over a long time while dealing with the government or any other organizations. It is a document of an official statement that ensures the accountability of the organization and their commitment towards the citizen in providing the quality of service. The charter aimed to revolutionize public service by empowering the people who were so long regarded as a silent spectator and a mere receiver on the government policies and programmes. In a democratic country, citizens have become more vocals towards the government responsibilities and they expect the administration not only to respond to their demands but also to foresee their needs in the future. In India, the Department of Administrative Reforms and Public Grievances in Government (DARPG) is in charge of organizing, directing, formulating, and operationalizing Citizen's Charters at the Central Government as well as States Government. However, the fulfillment of Citizen’s Charter in India faced many difficulties due to its government bureaucratic structure and resistant to change in its working system.

Federalism and Policy Change: An Analytic Narrative of Indigenous Land Rights Policy in Australia (1966–1978)

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christa Scholtz
Keyword(s):  
Policy Change ◽  
Imperfect Information ◽  
Formal Model ◽  
Land Rights ◽  
Change Policy ◽  
The Status ◽  
Analytic Narrative ◽  
Indigenous Land Rights ◽  
The Government ◽  
Indigenous Land

Abstract. The paper argues that a direct causal role for federalism must link policy makers' actions to costs and uncertainties unique to federalism, those associated with maintaining jurisdictional autonomy. The paper develops a formal model of imperfect information between two government actors, one preferring policy change and the other the status quo. A government chooses to change policy (or not) in a context where two things are uncertain: the stomach for intergovernmental retaliation, and the jurisdictional bona fides of the government in the policy area. The model shows how policy change is endogenous to beliefs about whom courts will support during federalism review. The model is then used in a detailed analysis of Australian cabinet archives at the state and Commonwealth levels, pertaining to the issue of Indigenous land rights policy between 1966 and 1978.Résumé. Le présent document soutient qu'un rôle causal direct du fédéralisme doit lier les actions des décideurs aux coûts et aux incertitudes uniques du fédéralisme : ceux associés au maintien de l'autonomie juridictionnelle. Dans cet article, je développe un modèle formel d'information imparfaite entre deux acteurs gouvernementaux, l'un préférant un changement de politique et l'autre le statu quo. Un gouvernement choisit de changer (ou non) une politique dans un contexte où deux éléments sont incertains : la propension à entrer dans des représailles intergouvernementales, et la bonne foi juridictionnelle du gouvernement dans le domaine en question. Le modèle montre que le changement de politique est endogène avec la perception de qui les tribunaux soutiendront dans un jugement de partage des compétences. Le modèle est ensuite utilisé pour analyser en détail les archives du Cabinet australien au niveau des états et du Commonwealth, relativement à la question des droits territoriaux autochtones entre 1966 et 1978.

scholarly journals The Ecological Theology of the Indonesian Gayo Tribe: The Integration of Tawhīd Values into their Trade Tradition

Afkaruna ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. Layouting
Author(s):  
Sukiman Sukiman
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Central Region ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Ecological Theology ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government

This study analyzes the process of integration of tawhīd  (believing in one God) values with trade tradition among the Gayo tribe, which helped to improve their economy and create a more prosperous way of life. This tribe is domiciled in the central region of Aceh, whose origins are Old Malays, and they have lived for a long time in the highlands of Gayo. Thus, they were involved in typical economic activities such as farming, gardening, fishing,  rearing of livestock, as well as household businesses and tourism, which were carried out systemically and periodically by the government and jointly supervised by agricultural experts. However, every work carried out had monotheism values with an emphasis on faith and worship because all natural resources were believed to be owned by Allah SWT. This study uses a qualitative approach in which the data collected were in the form of words, images, and not numbers. Results revealed that by capitalizing on faith and piety, the Gayo tribe believes that they can achieve happiness and blessings like the people of Gayo Land who strictly practice Islam in their daily lives and have a blessed, prosperous and dignified life from God.

scholarly journals Geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji: How media fooled people to believe Ma'afu wanted Lau

Te Kaharoa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teena Brown Pulu
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Daily News ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Just when Tongan Democratic Party leader ‘Akilisi Pohiva stumped the public by saying he admired Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama because “he has been able to make things happen and take development to the people,” the Government of Tonga’s Minister for Lands, Lord Ma’afu, came right out of the blue and trumped him (Tonga Daily News, 2014a, 2014b).  Ma’afu topped Pohiva at causing public bamboozlement. By this, Pohiva was the progenitor of Tonga’s thirty year old pro-democracy movement.  Why would he over romanticise about the former military commodore Frank Bainimarama, the hard-line originator of Fiji’s third coup to take place in a period of twenty eight years?  Pohiva’s swinging politics from democracy in Tonga to an overthrow of democracy in Fiji baffled readers (Naidu, 2014; Graue, 2014).  But Ma’afu took centre stage as the show stopper. Momentarily, people were gobsmacked and did not know what to make of him.  Was Tonga’s Minister for Lands and Survey who was a senior noble in the Tu’ivakano cabinet courting mischief or dead serious?  Fiji’s permanent secretary for foreign affairs Amena Yauvoli was certain, we “would just have to wait for the Tongan government’s proposal” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a).  But as Tongan journalist Kalafi Moala put it, “they will be waiting for a very long time” on that geopolitical front (Moala, 2014). This essay explores the geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji instigated by Tonga Daily News publishing online that Lord Ma’afu had said, “In good faith I will propose to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Fiji that they can have Minerva Reef and we get Lau in return” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a).  The very thought of drawing up a new map instantly ignited outrage from Fijian readers.  How then, might Tonga and Fiji’s argument over ownership of the Minerva Reefs play out this time around?  Could the region’s geopolitical atlas ever be imagined differently when its cartography was permanently cemented to the era of Western European colonial empire?  When the media fooled people to believe Lord Ma’afu wanted the Lau Islands for the Minerva Reefs, what did this signal about how news sites can manoeuver shock advertising and manipulate what politicians say to up their ratings?

scholarly journals A critical study of the Job Creation Law No. 11 of 2020 and its implications for labor in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 195-206
Author(s):  
Adnan Hamid
Keyword(s):  
Community Involvement ◽  
Job Creation ◽  
Labor Law ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
Critical Study ◽  
The People ◽  
Bargaining Position ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Principles

This study aims to examine the Job Creation Law No. 11 of 2020 which contains the interpretation, position, and implications of the Act on employment in Indonesia. The research method used is normative legal research, and the findings of the research are the Job Creation Law No. 11 of 2020 is considered to have tended to ignore labor rights. This law was formed and ratified as a labor law, which is still considered far from the wishes of the people who adhere to democratic principles. This is due to the lack of optimal community involvement in the drafting process so that this law has very implications for workers. For example, workers do not have a strong bargaining position in labor law in Indonesia. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a manpower law that is in line with the mandate of the Preamble and the 1945 Constitution as a basis for the government and parliament in making laws and regulations and at the same time providing legal protection, especially for workers or laborers and employers simultaneously in order to create a society that is prosperous, and evenly distributed both materially and spiritually.

scholarly journals Aksi Unjuk Rasa (dan Radikalisme) serta Penanganannya dalam Alam ”Demokrasi” di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Tri Pranadji
Keyword(s):  
New Order ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Good Communication ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Good Attitude

<strong>English</strong><br />Currently, almost every single ‘conflict’ in the society is followed by demonstration. It seems that the demonstration is a popular trend after the New Order era and more specifically such fenomenon has been reflected in the modern democracy life of the society.  Understanding about democracy is heavily depending on the eliteness maturity of someone (politic, economy, and government)  In the present ‘transitional situation’ and the absence of the ideal socio-culture-politic level, understanding about democracy will invite pros and cons among the concerned people. To express disagreement on certain public policies through demonstration could be accepted because it is in lione with “democracy”.  However, such protest along with anarchy actions and radicalism should create undesirable situation.affecting the public.  Traditionally, protest (by the people) which is responded wisely (by the government) has been long time exist within the old society (such as Java’s kingdom in the past, 16-19 century), long before the “westernization” of Indonesian community.  Coping with demonstration is no less than good attitude responses, and far from enemy impression.  Good communication and compromise based on respectful between the two sides will open an elegant solution and parallel with the constitution objectives. <br /><br />  <br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dewasa ini hampir setiap terjadi “perselisihan” di masyarakat diikuti dengan aksi unjuk rasa dari pihak yang merasa dikalahkan. Aksi unjuk rasa setelah tumbangnya Orde Baru seakan-akan telah menjadi hal yang trendy dan dinilai sebagai cerminan kehidupan peradaban masyarakat modern yang demokratis. Pemaknaan terhadap istilah demokrasi sangat tergantung pada kematangan elit (politik, ekonomi dan pemerintah) dalam memahami demokrasi. Dalam situasi “transisional” dan belum ditemukannya bentuk ideal tatanan sosio-budaya-politik sesuai amanat konstitusi pemaknaan terhadap istilah demokrasi akan mengundang pro dan kontra. Sebagai bagian dari ekpresi tidak setuju dan protes terhadap kebijakan publik, di satu sisi aksi unjuk rasa merupakan hal yang dapat diterima dan sejalan dengan tuntutan “demokrasi”; namun di sisi lain tidak jarang aksi ini diikuti dengan tindakan anarkhis dan radikalisme yang menimbulkan suasana mencekam di ruang publik. Aksi unjuk rasa secara santun (oleh rakyat) dan disikapi secara arif (oleh penguasa) telah dikenal dalam tatanan masyarakat tradisi (misalnya dalam masyarakat kerajaan di Jawa pada abad 16-19), jauh sebelum peradaban demokrasi barat (“westernisasi”) merasuki kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Penanganan aksi unjuk rasa yang baik adalah dengan dilandaskan pada sikap yang jauh dari saling bermusuhan, antara pengunjuk rasa dan sasaran atau yang menangani pengunjuk rasa. Melalui musyawarah yang dilandaskan pada sikap saling menghormati akan membuka jalan penyelesaian yang elegan (dan sejalan dengan tujuan konstitusi) terhadap aksi unjuk rasa.

scholarly journals Preface

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Adi Heru Sutomo ◽  
Mark A. Graber
Keyword(s):  
Primary Care ◽  
Primary Care Practice ◽  
National Level ◽  
Care Practice ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Primary Care Doctors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Primary Care Medicine

1. The development of Primary Care Medicine is a reality that must soon be realized in all countries in the world, including Indonesia. For that reason alone the development of Primary Care Doctors or DLP in Indonesia does not need to be questioned any more. But many relevant questions remain. Related to this statement, if Indonesia does not want to be left behind by our neighbors, such as Myanmar, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Australia, India, Pakistan, Japan, and others, the improvement of medical services at the primary level should be implemented immediately. Review of Primary Care Practice and Education (RPCPE) is a published journal that accommodates various activities related to current views and studies which relate to primary care at the local, regional, national or even international level, so from that perspective the RPCPE is published. We invite and encourage anyone and from anywhere to contribute their ideas, thoughts or ideas concerning the content of this journal. Please send your criticisms and suggestions as well as any responses to the posts contained in this journal. We welcome your input for the future of DLP....... By Adi Heru Sutomo 2. Welcome to the inaugural issue of “Review of Primary Care Practice and Education” (RPCPE), the Indonesian, journal dedicated to the science and practice of Primary Care.  The recognition of Primary Care Doctors as a specialty by the government and other specialty boards has been a long time coming.  It is a great step forward for Primary Care, Primary Care Doctors and more importantly, for the people of Indonesia. Finally, this is an acknowledgment of your expertise in primary care and of all of the hard work you do every day for your patients. Recognition at the national level is only a first step.  We now have the task of developing training programs and certifications for those physicians who are already in practice..... By Mark A. Graber 

scholarly journals Pelestarian Nilai-Nilai Civic Culture dalam Memperkuat Identitas Budaya Masyarakat: Makna Simbolik Ulos dalam Pelaksanaan Perkawinan Masyarakat Batak Toba di Sitorang

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-72
Author(s):  
Lopiana Margaretha Panjaitan ◽  
Dadang Sundawa
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Symbolic Meaning ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Parents And Children ◽  
Symbolic Meanings ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami pelestarian nilai-nilai civic culture dalam memperkuat identitas budaya masyarakat Batak Toba melalui makna simbolik ulos dalam pelaksanaan upacara perkawinan. Fokus penelitian ini adalah upaya yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat dalam melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture, dan mengapa masyarakat Batak Toba perlu untuk melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture tersebut. Desain penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara, observasi, dokumentasi, dan partisipasi langsung. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) ulos tidak bisa lepas dari kehidupann orang Batak Toba karena merupakan warisan nenek moyang sejak dahulu kala, ulos juga sebagai simbol kasih sayang di antara keluarga, yaitu antara orang tua dan anak, dan juga antar sesama anggota masyarakat; (2) upaya yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat dan pemerintah dalam melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture tersebut adalah dengan cara memberikan pemahaman dan penjelasan kepada generasi muda dan membangun sebuah cagar budaya; (3) alasan mengapa masyarakat Batak Toba perlu melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture tersebut adalah agar warisan nenek moyang tetap terjaga karena di dalam makna simbolik ulos tersebut terdapat nilai-nilai luhur Pancasila, seperti nilai ketuhanan, kemanusiaan, persatuan, kerakyatan, dan keadilan.  Preservation of The Value of Civic Culture in Strengthening The Cultural Identity of The Community: Case Study on The Symbolic Meaning of Marriage of Ulos in The Implementation of Batak Toba Society in Sitorang). This reseach aims to understand the preservation the value of civic culture in strengthening the cultural identity of Batak Toba society through the symbolic meaning of ulos in the implementation of the marriage. This research focuses to have the efforts made by the community in preserving the value of civic culture, and to find out why the people of Batak Toba need to preserve the value of the civic culture. The study uses a qualitative case study method. The techniques of data collection are done through interviews, observation, documentation, and direct participation. The reseach results show that: (1) Ulos is not separated from the life of Batak Toba, because it is a heritage since a very long time ago, ulos is also as a symbol of affection among family,between parents and children, as well as among members of society; (2) The effort made by the public and the government in prevising the value of the civic culture is to provide an understanding and explanation to the younger generation and build a cultural heritage; (3) Reasons why people of Batak Toba need to preserve the value of the civic culture is that the heritage is maintained, because the noble values of Pancasila can be found in the symbolic meanings of ulos, as the value of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and justice.

The American Consular Service

1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-913
Author(s):  
Wilbur J. Carr
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Sentiment ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Made In

The consular service of the United States has been for a long time the object of a great deal of criticism, some of which unfortunately has been well founded but much has been due to imperfect acquaintance with the legitimate functions of consuls and, therefore, to lack of ability to judge accurately of their shortcomings. It is of interest to note that of recent years the criticism has been for the most part confined to our own country, while from the people of other nations our consuls have received unstinted praise for their activity and efficiency, and our system has been frequently held up abroad as a model after which to reorganize some of the older European systems the virtues of which it has been the custom of our people to extol. But while it is true that in many respects our consuls have shown themselves the equals if not the superiors of the consuls of other nations, the fact remains that our service has been uneven in point of efficiency; there has been no satisfactory organization; little care has been exercised in the selection of persons for appointment; and the salaries and equipment have been far from adequate. Repeated attempts to correct these defects have been made during a period dating almost from the beginning of the government, but, with the exception of the improvements made in 1856, all these attempts have failed largely because they lacked the support of any considerable public sentiment.

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