scholarly journals Geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji: How media fooled people to believe Ma'afu wanted Lau

Te Kaharoa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teena Brown Pulu
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Daily News ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Just when Tongan Democratic Party leader ‘Akilisi Pohiva stumped the public by saying he admired Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama because “he has been able to make things happen and take development to the people,” the Government of Tonga’s Minister for Lands, Lord Ma’afu, came right out of the blue and trumped him (Tonga Daily News, 2014a, 2014b).  Ma’afu topped Pohiva at causing public bamboozlement. By this, Pohiva was the progenitor of Tonga’s thirty year old pro-democracy movement.  Why would he over romanticise about the former military commodore Frank Bainimarama, the hard-line originator of Fiji’s third coup to take place in a period of twenty eight years?  Pohiva’s swinging politics from democracy in Tonga to an overthrow of democracy in Fiji baffled readers (Naidu, 2014; Graue, 2014).  But Ma’afu took centre stage as the show stopper. Momentarily, people were gobsmacked and did not know what to make of him.  Was Tonga’s Minister for Lands and Survey who was a senior noble in the Tu’ivakano cabinet courting mischief or dead serious?  Fiji’s permanent secretary for foreign affairs Amena Yauvoli was certain, we “would just have to wait for the Tongan government’s proposal” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a).  But as Tongan journalist Kalafi Moala put it, “they will be waiting for a very long time” on that geopolitical front (Moala, 2014). This essay explores the geopolitical storymaking about Tonga and Fiji instigated by Tonga Daily News publishing online that Lord Ma’afu had said, “In good faith I will propose to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Fiji that they can have Minerva Reef and we get Lau in return” (Tonga Daily News, 2014a).  The very thought of drawing up a new map instantly ignited outrage from Fijian readers.  How then, might Tonga and Fiji’s argument over ownership of the Minerva Reefs play out this time around?  Could the region’s geopolitical atlas ever be imagined differently when its cartography was permanently cemented to the era of Western European colonial empire?  When the media fooled people to believe Lord Ma’afu wanted the Lau Islands for the Minerva Reefs, what did this signal about how news sites can manoeuver shock advertising and manipulate what politicians say to up their ratings?

scholarly journals Aksi Unjuk Rasa (dan Radikalisme) serta Penanganannya dalam Alam ”Demokrasi” di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Tri Pranadji
Keyword(s):  
New Order ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Good Communication ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Good Attitude

<strong>English</strong><br />Currently, almost every single ‘conflict’ in the society is followed by demonstration. It seems that the demonstration is a popular trend after the New Order era and more specifically such fenomenon has been reflected in the modern democracy life of the society.  Understanding about democracy is heavily depending on the eliteness maturity of someone (politic, economy, and government)  In the present ‘transitional situation’ and the absence of the ideal socio-culture-politic level, understanding about democracy will invite pros and cons among the concerned people. To express disagreement on certain public policies through demonstration could be accepted because it is in lione with “democracy”.  However, such protest along with anarchy actions and radicalism should create undesirable situation.affecting the public.  Traditionally, protest (by the people) which is responded wisely (by the government) has been long time exist within the old society (such as Java’s kingdom in the past, 16-19 century), long before the “westernization” of Indonesian community.  Coping with demonstration is no less than good attitude responses, and far from enemy impression.  Good communication and compromise based on respectful between the two sides will open an elegant solution and parallel with the constitution objectives. <br /><br />  <br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dewasa ini hampir setiap terjadi “perselisihan” di masyarakat diikuti dengan aksi unjuk rasa dari pihak yang merasa dikalahkan. Aksi unjuk rasa setelah tumbangnya Orde Baru seakan-akan telah menjadi hal yang trendy dan dinilai sebagai cerminan kehidupan peradaban masyarakat modern yang demokratis. Pemaknaan terhadap istilah demokrasi sangat tergantung pada kematangan elit (politik, ekonomi dan pemerintah) dalam memahami demokrasi. Dalam situasi “transisional” dan belum ditemukannya bentuk ideal tatanan sosio-budaya-politik sesuai amanat konstitusi pemaknaan terhadap istilah demokrasi akan mengundang pro dan kontra. Sebagai bagian dari ekpresi tidak setuju dan protes terhadap kebijakan publik, di satu sisi aksi unjuk rasa merupakan hal yang dapat diterima dan sejalan dengan tuntutan “demokrasi”; namun di sisi lain tidak jarang aksi ini diikuti dengan tindakan anarkhis dan radikalisme yang menimbulkan suasana mencekam di ruang publik. Aksi unjuk rasa secara santun (oleh rakyat) dan disikapi secara arif (oleh penguasa) telah dikenal dalam tatanan masyarakat tradisi (misalnya dalam masyarakat kerajaan di Jawa pada abad 16-19), jauh sebelum peradaban demokrasi barat (“westernisasi”) merasuki kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Penanganan aksi unjuk rasa yang baik adalah dengan dilandaskan pada sikap yang jauh dari saling bermusuhan, antara pengunjuk rasa dan sasaran atau yang menangani pengunjuk rasa. Melalui musyawarah yang dilandaskan pada sikap saling menghormati akan membuka jalan penyelesaian yang elegan (dan sejalan dengan tujuan konstitusi) terhadap aksi unjuk rasa.

scholarly journals Pelestarian Nilai-Nilai Civic Culture dalam Memperkuat Identitas Budaya Masyarakat: Makna Simbolik Ulos dalam Pelaksanaan Perkawinan Masyarakat Batak Toba di Sitorang

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-72
Author(s):  
Lopiana Margaretha Panjaitan ◽  
Dadang Sundawa
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Symbolic Meaning ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Parents And Children ◽  
Symbolic Meanings ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami pelestarian nilai-nilai civic culture dalam memperkuat identitas budaya masyarakat Batak Toba melalui makna simbolik ulos dalam pelaksanaan upacara perkawinan. Fokus penelitian ini adalah upaya yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat dalam melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture, dan mengapa masyarakat Batak Toba perlu untuk melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture tersebut. Desain penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara, observasi, dokumentasi, dan partisipasi langsung. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) ulos tidak bisa lepas dari kehidupann orang Batak Toba karena merupakan warisan nenek moyang sejak dahulu kala, ulos juga sebagai simbol kasih sayang di antara keluarga, yaitu antara orang tua dan anak, dan juga antar sesama anggota masyarakat; (2) upaya yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat dan pemerintah dalam melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture tersebut adalah dengan cara memberikan pemahaman dan penjelasan kepada generasi muda dan membangun sebuah cagar budaya; (3) alasan mengapa masyarakat Batak Toba perlu melestarikan nilai-nilai civic culture tersebut adalah agar warisan nenek moyang tetap terjaga karena di dalam makna simbolik ulos tersebut terdapat nilai-nilai luhur Pancasila, seperti nilai ketuhanan, kemanusiaan, persatuan, kerakyatan, dan keadilan.  Preservation of The Value of Civic Culture in Strengthening The Cultural Identity of The Community: Case Study on The Symbolic Meaning of Marriage of Ulos in The Implementation of Batak Toba Society in Sitorang). This reseach aims to understand the preservation the value of civic culture in strengthening the cultural identity of Batak Toba society through the symbolic meaning of ulos in the implementation of the marriage. This research focuses to have the efforts made by the community in preserving the value of civic culture, and to find out why the people of Batak Toba need to preserve the value of the civic culture. The study uses a qualitative case study method. The techniques of data collection are done through interviews, observation, documentation, and direct participation. The reseach results show that: (1) Ulos is not separated from the life of Batak Toba, because it is a heritage since a very long time ago, ulos is also as a symbol of affection among family,between parents and children, as well as among members of society; (2) The effort made by the public and the government in prevising the value of the civic culture is to provide an understanding and explanation to the younger generation and build a cultural heritage; (3) Reasons why people of Batak Toba need to preserve the value of the civic culture is that the heritage is maintained, because the noble values of Pancasila can be found in the symbolic meanings of ulos, as the value of divinity, humanity, unity, democracy, and justice.

scholarly journals What a Difference Does Time Make? Framing Media Discourse on Refugees and Migrants in Croatia in Two Periods

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-496
Author(s):  
Siniša Zrinščak ◽  
Mateja Čehulić ◽  
Dario Čepo
Keyword(s):  
Media Framing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Public ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
The People ◽  
Media Presentation ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Eu

There is plenty of research on media framing of marginalized and “othered” groups, including refugees and migrants. A lot has been said about the 2015– 2016 refugee crisis, but much less scholarly interest has been put on the 2018– 2019 re-emergence of refugees and migrants on outer borders of the EU and the ways member states have responded to the problem. This paper is focused on analysing similarities and differences in framing of refugees and migrants in the Croatian media in two distinct time periods: 2015–2016 and 2018. The paper is based on applying content analysis and descriptive statistics to articles from four daily newspapers in order to find out how the people coming to Croatia were presented in the media; what they were called, in which sense (positive, neutral, negative) they were presented to the public, and how the media presentation changed over time. The analysis has shown a certain degree of specific political, economic, and societal contexts mediated to, and in turn mediated by, the media’s framing of refugees/migrants. While the predominant frame remained neutral, as per norms of journalistic profession, the change in ideological stance of the government - from social democrats, who put humanitarian elements first, to conservatives, whose focus was security-based - coincided with the relative rise in the number of articles with a negative portrayal of the migrant issue.

Pelaksanaan Jaminan Kesehatan Oleh BPJS Kesehatan Dalam Perspektif Syariah

Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Financial Institution ◽  
Social Supports ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ministry Of Finance ◽  
Health Support ◽  
The Government

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.

PEMBENAHAN TERHADAP LEMBAGA PEMASYARAKATAN DAPAT MENIADAKAN OPSI HUKUMAN MATI BAGI NARAPIDANA DI INDONESIA (THE IMPROVEMENT OF QUALITY OF PENITENTIARY CAN ELIMINATE THE DEATH PENALTY OPTIONS OF CONVICTED CRIMINALS IN INDONESIA)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Nomensen Freddy Siahaan
Keyword(s):  
Death Penalty ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
Psychological Burden ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Public ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time

After a long time was not heard to the public area, lately death penalty toward the criminal cases that classified as extraordinary crime are appear. The author discovers electronic article about the execution of the death penalty which is the prosecutor prepares to execute death penalty toward the drugs dealer. The president of Republic of Indonesia stated that it is necessary to give a deterrent effect to the convicted  criminal and keep the morality of Indonesian teenagers. According to my opinion, the author argues that it will be better and wiser if we discuss about renovating all of the Penitentiary in Indonesia than debating whether death penalty could be done in Indonesia or not, because it will be displeasure many parties, death penalty infringed the human rights of the convicted criminals and cause psychological burden to them, families, the executor of the death penalty, and other parties. Because if we have to improve the quality of the Penitentiary, if the function of Penitentiary for fostering moralily has been optimal or properly enough to the convicted criminals, Indonesia will be no longer need the death penalty option as sanction to the convicted crimanals including for the extraordinary crime (especially for drugs trafficking in our country). Penitentiary is one of the public services which aims for fostering the people that initially have bad habits (commited to the crime), so that they will have the awareness to change their bad attitude into the be better ones, will not harm others, and positively contributed to the society. Already Penitentiary’s conditions should be designed in such a way and as good as possible, so that the inmates feels like at their own home (like having a second home after his own home), and feel humaner to spend their days in the Penitentiary. The author believes that if the Penitentiary has been improved and optimized its function well, then the real purpose of Penitentiary will definitely achieved. As stated in Law Number 12 Year 1995 regarding to Penitentiary Article 2 which states "sanction system are organized in order to fostering the convicted criminals in order to be the real man, aware of their fault, improve themselves, and not to repeat the criminal act so that they can be friendly received by the community, can actively participated in the development of our country, and can socialize themselves as good citizen."Article 3 on this regulation also intensifies the function of Penitentiary "the function of Penitentiary is to prepare convicted criminals to be able to properly integrated to the society, so they can be accepted again as members of the public who are free and responsible ones." 

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

Formation of the research tradition of studying the institute Parliamentarism as a mechanism for the establishment of democracy

2017 ◽  
pp. 187-198
Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Research Tradition ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Regimes

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism

Normative Juridical Review Comparison of Land Acquisition Regulations for Railway Infrastructure between Indonesia and Malaysia

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dhina Setyo Oktaria ◽  
Agustinus Prasetyo Edi Wibowo
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Influencing Factor ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
The Public ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
The People ◽  
Railway Infrastructure ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

Land acquisition for public purposes, including for the construction of railroad infrastructure, is a matter that is proposed by all countries in the world. The Indonesian government or the Malaysian royal government needs land for railroad infrastructure development. To realize this, a regulation was made that became the legal umbrella for the government or royal government. The people must agree to regulations that require it. Land acquisition for public use in Malaysia can be completed quickly in Indonesia. The influencing factor is the different perceptions of the understanding of what are in the public interest, history and legal systems of the two countries as well as the people's reaction from the two countries

The Right to Information in India Implementation and Impact

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
_______ Naveen ◽  
_____ Priti
Keyword(s):  
Public Life ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Know How ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Right To Information ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.

scholarly journals The kiss of death. Public service media under right-wing populist attack

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312199133
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Democratic Accountability ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Public Scrutiny

With the surge of populism in Europe, public service broadcasting has come under increased pressure. The established media are considered part of the corrupt elite not serving the interests of the people. The public service media, for which pluralism is at the core of their remit, are a particular thorn in the side of the populists. Therefore, they attack the financial basis of public service, which is supposed to guarantee their independence. The populist attacks on the traditional broadcasting corporations meet with the interests of neoliberal politics and of those political actors who want to evade public scrutiny and democratic control and do no longer feel committed to democratic accountability. The assaults on the public service media are thus an assault on freedom of the media and further increase the pressure on the democratic system.

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