scholarly journals L'arbitrato tra Samo e Priene per il possesso della Batinetide

Axon ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Nicolino

The stele, found in Samos in 1750, bears the official letter with which Lysimachus I communicated to Samos the verdict of his arbitration to settle the conflict arisen between this city and Priene for the control over the Batinetis. The inscription, dating back to 283-282 BC, illustrates one stage of the territorial disputes between the rival cities that continued until the Roman age, and fits in the rich epigraphic context gathered on the temple walls of Athena Polias in Priene. The reasons that led the king to award the Batinetis to Samos date back to the distant past of the poleis of Asia, up to the Meliac war, when a coalition of twelve Ionic cities destroyed Melie and split up its territory.

2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence M. Wills

AbstractAlthough Jewish novellas (Esther, Daniel, Tobit, Judith, and Joseph and Aseneth) have received more attention recently as a distinct genre within ancient Jewish literature, their relation to Greek and Roman novels is still debated. This article argues that, although some of the Jewish novellas arise earlier, they should be considered part of the same broad category of novelistic literature. The rich research on the cultural context of Greek and Roman novels applies to the Jewish as well. But a further question is also explored: if the Jewish texts were originally considered fictional, how did they come to be considered biblical and historical? Two suggestions are proposed: the protagonists of the narratives first came to be revered as heroes of the faith aside from the texts, and the rise of “biblical history” required the use of Esther and Daniel to fill in the gaps in the chronology.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-106
Author(s):  
George A. Keyworth

Today there is a distinction in Japanese Zen Buddhist monasticism between prayer temples and training centers. Zen training is typically thought to encompass either meditation training or public-case introspection, or both. Yet first-hand accounts exist from the Edo period (1603–1868) which suggest that the study of Buddhist (e.g., public case records, discourse records, sūtra literature, prayer manuals) and Chinese (poetry, philosophy, history) literature may have been equally if not more important topics for rigorous study. How much more so the case with the cultivation of the literary arts by Zen monastics? This paper first investigates the case of a network of eminent seventeenth- and eighteenth-century scholar-monks from all three modern traditions of Japanese Zen—Sōtō, Rinzai, and Ōbaku—who extolled the commentary Kakumon Kantetsu 廓門貫徹 (d. 1730) wrote to every single piece of poetry or prose in Juefan Huihong’s 覺範恵洪 (1071–1128) collected works, Chan of Words and Letters from Stone Gate Monastery (Ch. Shimen wenzichan; Jp. Sekimon mojizen). Next, it explores what the wooden engravings of Study Effortless-Action and Efficacious Vulture at Daiōji, the temple where Kantetsu was the thirteenth abbot and where he welcomed the Chinese émigré Buddhist monk Xinyue Xingchou (Shin’etsu Kōchū 心越興儔, alt. Donggao Xinyue, Tōkō Shin’etsu 東皐心越, 1639–1696), might disclose about how Zen was cultivated in practice? Finally, this paper asks how Kantetsu’s promotion of Huihong’s “scholastic” or “lettered” Chan or Zen might lead us rethink the role of Song dynasty (960–1279) literary arts within the rich historical context of Zen Buddhism in Edo Japan?


1970 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-35
Author(s):  
David Susilo Pranoto

This paper is titled" Attitude to Give Offerings According to the Gospel of Mark 12: 41-44 ". Mark's Gospel was written by Mark himself and this Gospel of Mark is the earliest Gospel written, which is between 65 and 70 AD before the Temple in Jerusalem was destroyed and Mark's Gospel is also the shortest of the four Gospels. This book was shown to the Jews to introduce Christ as a servant. Specifically the Gospel of Mark 12: 41-44 tells how Jesus showed His disciples the attitude of the rich and the widows of the poor in giving offerings. This shows that Jesus wanted to tell everyone and specifically to the students how the right attitude in giving offerings. The text Jesus shows about the attitude of the rich and poor widows in making offerings in the Temple. In addition, in the context of the Gospel of Mark 12: 41-44, Jesus showed His disciples the right attitude in offering. Jesus' purpose here is to direct the attention of His disciples to the poor widow. The poor widow gives more offerings than the offerings of rich people, because she gives from her shortcomings while rich people give from abundance. So through this article we can open the understanding of believers to have the right attitude to offer.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Damien Carraz

RESUMO: As ordens militares, como senhores eclesiásticos, exerceram a justiça temporal sobre populações das quais elas estavam encarregadas. A historiografia, se ele se interessou pelos conflitos de jurisdição que opuseram os poderes soberanos às comendadorias, subestimou, salvo exceções, as atividades judiciárias destas últimas. Os ricos arquivos das ordens do Hospital e do Templo, no Midi Francês, fornecem belas séries de atas da prática judiciária – clamores, inquéritos criminais, processos verbais de condenações... O caso dos dois senhorios templários de Lansac e de Montfrin e as comparações oferecidas pela importante jurisdição hospitalária de Manosque, recentemente e notavelmente estudada, autorizam uma contribuição sobre o papel dos irmãos guerreiros na difusão dos usos jurídicos e no controle social. O pessoal empregado no serviço destas pequenas justiças senhoriais, os procedimentos utilizados pela justiça criminal, a repressão da delinquência ordinária que assolava estes castra da Baixa Provença e, enfim, os limites opostos ao poder coercitivo do Templo pela organização das comunidades e pelo reforço do Estado foram sucessivamente evocados. O funcionamento, os ideais almejados, assim como a ação repressiva, pouco evidenciam a especificidade desta justiça da Igreja que não recusava o exercício do merum imperium e a aplicação das penas aflitivas. Centradas sobre o século XIII, período de transição na história do procedimento, estas primeiras observações desejariam ser prosseguidas para os dois séculos seguintes: a originalidade da justiça do Hospital, com a instauração de uma ordem moral, mais do que cívica, apareceria mais, tanto que seria necessário avaliar a resistência destes senhorios às reconquistas jurisdicionais do Estado principesco. ABSTRACT:The military orders, as ecclesiastical gentlemen, exercised the temporal justice over populations which they were in charge of. The historiography, if he got interested about the jurisdiction conflicts that have opposed the sovereign powers to the commanderies, underestimated, with some few exceptions, the judicial activities of these last ones. The rich archives from the orders of the hospital and the temple, at the French Midi, provide beautiful series of the judicial practices - clamors, criminal investigations, verbal processes of condemnations... The case of the two templary landlords of Lansac and of Montfrin and the comparisons offered by the important hospitaller jurisdiction of Manosque, recently and notably studied, authorize an contribution over the role of the warrior brothers on the difusion on the juridical uses and on the social control. The people who ar e employed on the service of those small stately justices, the procedures used by the criminal justice, the repression of the ordinary delinquency that plagued those castra of the Low Provence and, ultimately, the limits opposed to the coercive power of the temple for the organization of the communities and for the reinforcement of the state were successively evoked. The operation, the desired ideals, just like the repressive action, do not show at all the specificity of the church's justice which wouldn't refuse the exercise of merum imperium and the application of the afflictive feathers. Centered over the 13th century, period of transaction on the history of procedure, these first observations would desire to be pursued for the two following centuries: the originality of the hospital's justice, with the establishment of a moral order, more than civic, would appear so much more that it would be necessary to evaluate the resistance of tho se landlords to the court re-conquests of the princely State.


1963 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 10-21
Author(s):  
W. H. Plommer

The following article forms the conclusion to my chapter in a projected work on the Temple of Hemithea at Kastabos. The sanctuary is described by Diodorus in Book v, 62—3, and lies about a thousand feet above sea-level on the north-west slopes of the Carian Chersonese, overlooking from the south-east the more easterly isthmus on the long Cnidian Peninsula. It is the first Greek sanctuary of any importance and the first peripteral temple to be explored in the Rhodian Incorporated Peraea (see Fraser and Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, pp. 123 ff.), of which the whole Chersonese formed part.Our excavation, primarily salvage-work in remote country after a forest-fire had uncovered the remains, formed one stage in the mapping of ancient cities and demes of this neighbourhood by Professor John Cook and Professor George Bean. It established, from a stamped vase-handle and an inscription on a subsidiary building, that this was indeed, as surmised by Cook, the shrine of Hemithea, a local healing-goddess evidently, as Diodorus shows, of considerable local repute. We found that its greatness virtually began in the late fourth century, and was perhaps of fairly short duration.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 9-31
Author(s):  
Peimin Ni

This paper tries to explore a gongfu ethics on the basis of traditional Chinese ethical theories. Used in the sense that the Song-Ming Neo-Confucians did, “gongfu” means the art of life in general and not merely the martial arts, although martial arts can be taken as a paradigm example of gongfu. The paper begins with the question “can bad guys have good gongfu,” which leads to three answers, each representing one stage of the dynamic relationship between morality and gongfu: The first is yes, since gongfu and morality belong to two different categories, i.e., the art of life and moral responsibilities. The second is no, because each moral goodness or badness corresponds to a respective gongfu virtuosity or the lack of it. The third answer is that moral persons, as long as they still have to invoke morality, are not true gongfu masters. Those who have real good gongfu transcend moral duties and become amoral. The analysis suggests a gongfu ethics that can include, but goes beyond moral goodness. The rest of the essay articulates the rich implications of this gongfu ethics by comparing it with virtue ethics, consequentialist ethics, and relativism-subjectivism.


1950 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-287
Author(s):  
Thomas Hannay

For some time past there has been a great need that theology should become more biblical, and that biblical studies should become more theological. To-day there are welcome signs that this is coming about, which is in effect a reviving sense of the authority of the Bible. There is a feeling that if criticism has not finished its task—which can hardly be the case—it is time that it was supplemented by something else; that it has too long dominated biblical studies as though it were the very building, whereas it is in fact a means of securing the foundations on which the main structure can be raised; that its necessary method of analysis, increasingly elaborated, has tended to destroy the recognition of the majestic structure of the biblical revelation and its unity. Thus Dr Vincent Taylor in the introduction to his Jesus and His Sacrifice confessed that after twenty-five years devoted to the minutiae of synoptic criticism, he had a great desire to consider what the Gospels really have to say for themselves. In the realm of Old Testament studies there has emerged a sense that, Israel's history being so remarkable, it is useless to brush aside all the later developments of, let us say, the Priestly Code as regrettable and retrograde; it is wiser and more helpful to ask what their significance really is, and whether they do not rather witness to the rich fulness of religion under the old covenant. The point to be driven home is just this: when the sources have been analysed and dated as far as may be, then begins the real task of considering what is the significance of the contents. That can and will only be found in our Lord Jesus Christ. But that in effect means allowing the Bible to be its own interpreter, explaining one part by another. Especially when seeking for the significance of the Old Testament must the search be carried over into the New Testament. It seems worth while to try and work this method out on the theme of the temple.


Napredak ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-46
Author(s):  
Irina Buseva-Davidova

The Holy Synod of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the state representatives of the Republic of Serbia, with the brotherly aid of the Government of The Russian Federation and its Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchy are nearing the completion of the Temple of Saint Sava. The unique style and artistic concepts of Nikolay Mukhin is in complete harmony with the architecture of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, the foremost example of Byzantine and Serbian medieval art. There are four representations in the great arch of each cupola of the Temple of Saint Sava, grouped according to meaning and history as presented in the Holy Testament, with the aim of faithfully depicting the earthly life of Christ and the Mother of God. The rich and original iconography of the mosaics and iconostases is awe-inspiring in their artistry for the over three hundred artists engaged in their execution. The conceptual knot of the interior: the dome, the space below, the pendentive and main arches, with their beautifully decorated altar space, have enriched Serbia and the world with one of the most imposing and magnificent monuments of Christianity today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Ni Made Ayu Susanthi Pradnya Paramitha

<p><em>There is one way to form a child’s character is with a tale or a story where in Balinese life we called satua or  masatua. Satua is a part of lisan literary once as a work of grain Graine literature, unattached to the temple and rhythm as well. Although satua is as one of the local obscension wisdom of the ancestral legacy and has been there for a long time, but this is still relevant to be used as one of the tools in developing way of life, personality, characteristics and a wisdom for people in Bali and of course based on the rule as a Balinese in the community. One of the best example of the satua called “Men Tiwas Teken Men Sugih” or the life between the poor and the rich. By using semiotic Peirce approach, and through the way of life from the poor family in the character, this article would emphasise a moral message regarding the behavior of the decreators. By this means that we can take an example to educate the young children what is the meaning of life and also to increase the quality of humanity to child</em></p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-187
Author(s):  

Most contemporary readings of the Markan temple incident in Mark 11.15-17 seems to reflect a common Western liberal approach to political change, an approach which suggests that political institutions are inherently good yet at times must be reformed in the interest of the marginalized. Thus according to many interpreters, Jesus enacts a (rather unsuccessful) political demonstration to reform the temple back to its idyllic institutional goals. Instead, this paper, informed by contemporary notions of political insurrection, suggests that Jesus’ criticism of the temple is hardly a prophetic renewal or reform. Rather, the narrative of Mark 11.15-17 is meant to show Jesus’ total symbolic rejection of the temple as social, economic, and political core. Jesus’ actions in the temple are not meant to open up a greater access for the poor and marginalized; instead, in an act of free choice, Jesus the pervert rejects the efficacy of the temple itself, and, in a truly revolutionary manner, advocates a movement from the stricture of the relationship altogether.
As the visceral presence of God on the earth, the Second Temple creates an unfortunate economy of desire whereby God must remain at a prohibitive distance, a self-perpetuating cycle where access is controlled and limited on the basis of ethnicity, sexuality, and purity. The temple, endowed with economic, agrarian, and sexual surplus, manufactures a presence of God which must remain structurally inaccessible in order for it to retain the essential neurotic element of desire and distance. However, through judging both the rich and the poor, and halting the flow of sacred goods, Jesus the pervert exposes this neurotic cycle of desire as fantasy at the cost of his own life.
Incorporating insurrectionist insight from Slavoj Žižek, the Occupy Movement, and others like the Anonymous Collective allows our interpretation to move beyond the standard “Jesus as Political Reformer” to a much more dangerous interpretation of Jesus as politically perverse. It is this more dangerous perspective which can make better sense of the reality of Jesus’ execution and help to identify this pericope as an authentic account of political dissent.



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