Khilafah Islamiyah: Antara Konsep dan Realitas Kenegaraan (Republik Islam Iran dan Kerajaan Islam Arab Saudi)

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Idil Akbar

Khilafah concept became one of the discussions that stick out lately, not least in Indonesia. But how is this concept, especially that  applied in the Islamic state? This article presents a comparison of Islamic governmentbased concepts with two different traditions, namely the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is to show the differences between the two concepts as well as to discuss how the implementation carried out in the two countries that use Islam as the basis of the state. Conceptually Saudi Arabia and Iran have differences in the application of the state system and its government. Saudi Arabia with the monarchy concept and Iran with the concept of republic. But the similarity between the two is that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a state that ideally reflects the Khilafah state as established in the state system of the era of Khulafaur Rashidin.Keyword: : Khilafah; Imamah, Saudi Arabia, Iran, State and Islamic Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 146-162
Author(s):  
Sead Bandžović ◽  

With the overthrow of the regime of Reza Pahlavi in 1979, the Iranian revolution ended the existence of the 2,500-year-old Persian Empire and built the Islamic Republic of Iran on its foundations. The revolution was the product of three independent social structures that merged at one point. One was the structure of constitutionalism that grew out of a century-long struggle for democracy supported by modernists; the second was Islamism as a movement to set Sharia law as the primary law supported by rural elements in society in response to Western urban elites and accepted by merchants; and the third is the nationalist structure, driven by rage fueled by Iran's long subordination to European powers. The basic principle of the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed by the new constitution from 1979, is the positioning of God as the supreme bearer of people's sovereignty and people who are only marginal representatives of his power on Earth. Ayatollah Homenini, the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution and the Iranian state, in this regard created a thesis about the Islamic State as a political representation, created on the basis of the people's will, in order to enforce God's laws. In practice, such system meant setting up Sharia (religious) laws as the only source of law in regulating social, legal and other relations within the community. A dichotomy has been created in the management of the state, so there are two groups of authorities. The first, the conciliar, consists of the Supreme leader, the Council of Guardians (Shora-ye Negahban-e Qanun-e assassi), the Council of Experts (Majles-e Khobragan Rahbari) and the Judgment Council. The task of these councils is to oversee the activities of all levels of government in order to preserve the unity, sovereignty and integrity of the Iranian political system. The conciliar government supervises and advises the republican part of the government, ie. its legislative, executive and judicial aspects. In addition to conciliar government, there is a republican government that creates laws and political decisions in accordance with religious teachings and under the supervision of theocratic political institutions. All laws and court decisions must be based on the principles of the Qur'an, and their proper interpretation requires an understanding of religious principles. On the basis of the constitution, a special High Judicial Council was established, which amended the pre-revolutionary laws (criminal, commercial, civil and procedural), thus creating the so-called “Transitional law”. The biggest changes affected the area of criminal law, where the principle of talion revenge was introduced (“an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”) and the strict punishment of extramarital relations and same-sex relationships. In the domain of marital and family law, a man is given a number of rights, thus putting the woman, as a marital partner, in a more unequal position. Husbands were facilitated in divorce, temporary marriages with more than one woman were allowed, while on the other hand women were allowed the right to divorce only if it was explicitly allowed by her husband during the marriage. The revolution also introduced new sources in the regulation of legal relations. Thus, by an order of the Supreme Judicial Council of 23 August 1982, judges were ordered to use direct authoritative Islamic texts or sources on which to base their judgments in resolving disputes. Judges are required by this Order to address the Council of Guardians of the Constitution if they cannot determine with certainty whether a regulation is in accordance with Sharia law or not. If the judge does not know which law to apply, he must contact the Office of Ayatollah Khomeini for further instructions. In addition to the internal one, the revolution caused radical changes in the foreign policy field, positioning Iran as an important participant in numerous international processes at the regional and global level.


2020 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Fariha Ahmad Hashmi ◽  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf

Dubbed as the NATO of the Muslim world- Islamic Military Alliance (IMA) since its inception has been quite a ride, may or may not be as an alliance in itself or its proposed functions, but surely for the bilateral ties between the three powers of the Islamic worlds Pakistan, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and The Islamic Republic of Iran. The military alliance has made the three countries to sketch their future ties carefully by analyzing the possible outcomes of any wrong decision, for the geostrategic challenges of the region has exacerbated if viewed in the wake of Islamic Military Alliance. This paper will be analyzing how IMA shaped the relations between these states and how they have been trying to cope with the challenges and response to the challenges that appeared for each state in the aftermath of the formation of IMA.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


2018 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Simon Wolfgang Fuchs

Studies on the conflict between Sunnis and Shi‘as in Pakistan tend to single out intellectual influences emerging from the Arab monarchies of the Gulf as the paradigm for how sectarian ideas have spread more broadly. Yet, Simon Fuchs shows that the focus on Saudi Arabia does not capture the important entanglement of further influences stemming from the Gulf with local dimensions of sectarianism in Pakistan. Local Sunni scholars, although connected to Saudi Arabia, built their own brand of anti-Shiism. After the 1979 Iranian revolution, sectarian arguments based on Salafi-Wahhabi doctrines and emphasizing the doctrinal incompatibility between “proper” Islam and Shiism gave way to more political arguments, as the new Islamic Republic was seen as threatening the identity and the nature of the Pakistani state.


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-112
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.اسامة مرتضى باقر ◽  
أ.م.د.اسامة مرتضى باقر

Iraq has suffered since 1991 from international sanctions imposed on it by the dictatorial regime that existed at the time, invading Kuwait, which led to the decline of the status of Iraq and the isolation of international and regional (Arab) and clear Iraq as a strange entity living within its regional environment, after April 2003 did not change much In fact, there were no signs of détente before the Arab League summit in Baghdad in 2011, and the signs of a break in the stalemate in inter-relations over the past years have become evident. Disruption and refraction was not high (Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Syrian Arab Republic, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait). Each side is governed by perceptions about Iraq, especially after 2003, and the political and economic developments taking place.  


Author(s):  
Dilip Hiro

For four decades Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have vied for influence in the Muslim world. At the heart of this ongoing Cold War between Riyadh and Tehran lie the Sunni-Shia divide, and the two countries’ diverse histories, socio-economic compositions, and claims to exceptionalism. Saudis present their rivalry with Iran stemming from conflict between Sunnis and Shias. But, according to Iran's ruling clerics, their republic is founded on Islamic precepts whereas Saudis’ dynastic rule lacks legitimacy in Islam. This foundational schism has played out in a geopolitical competition for dominance in the region and beyond: Iran has acquired influence in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon, while Saudi Arabia's hyperactive crown prince, Muhammad bin Salman, has intervened in the Yemeni civil war against the Tehran-backed Houthis, and tried to destabilize Lebanon and isolate neighboring Qatar.. In his lucid narrative, peppered with penetrating analysis, Dilip Hiro examines the toxic rivalry between the two nations, tracing its roots to the eighteen-century Arabia, and examines whether the current Cold War in the Islamic world is likely to end in the near future.


The Hijaz ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 279-338
Author(s):  
Malik R. Dahlan

This Chapter focuses on the idea of positive vs. negative space in ideology and religion. It discusses Islamic revivalism and Wahhabism in detail in the context of statehood. discuss the fragility of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as well as Iran- the Islamic Republic. It considers the religious and cultural differences within the region noting in particular Shi’ite and Sunni peculiarities. It also covers the views and ideologies of al-Qaeda and Daesh. It covers in great detail Islamic governance and thereby dispels the false claims and doctrines of post-modernist al-Qaeda and neo-medievalist Daesh which seeks absolute control of religion, population and, imperial territory. The Chapter looks at counter efforts, namely, Islamic Centrism, by using historical evidence to demonstrate the characteristics of pan Islamic governance as a positive space in The Hijaz.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 596-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Aarts ◽  
Carolien Roelants

The Saudi leadership feels threatened, first of all by Shi'ite Iran, but also by the extremist Islamic State (IS), the Muslim Brotherhood and even liberal intellectuals. Low oil prices cause growing deficits, while youth unemployment remains huge. Is the House of Saud on the verge of collapse? This paper first addresses the recent succession, as a result of which new King Salman's young son, Muhammad bin Salman, accumulated unparalleled power. It asks whether his ambitious plans to modernize the Saudi economy can save the kingdom or if his fast rise will unleash a power struggle. This paper also looks at the war in Yemen which Muhammad bin Salman started and that might deepen the already problematic state of the Saudi economy. Finally, it explores a number of scenarios from muddling through to total implosion.


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