scholarly journals The Rule of Abd аl-Fattah al-Sisi: Politics, Economics and International Relations of Egypt in the 2010s.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
G. Sh. Kadirova

The article is devoted to the history of coming to power and the analysis of the domestic and foreign policy of the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt (ARE), Field Marshal Abd-аl Fattah al-Sisi. The author notes that the new leader of the country chose a tough internal political course aimed at strengthening his own power and suppressing the opposition, fi rst of all, the Muslim Brotherhood (the organization’s activities are prohibited on the territory of the Russian Federation), and the 2014 Constitution and its 2019 amendments led to the virtual disappearance of the independent branches of power and its concentration in the hands of the president, as well as the consolidation in the Basic Law of provisions on the special role of the military in the life of society. Thus, the head of state and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces determine the political processes in the country, controlling civil institutions. Unlike the traditional ARE course, Abd-al Fattah al-Sisi is building a tougher and more uncompromising policy, demonstrating a readiness to use force, primarily in Libya, narrowing his scope for diplomatic maneuver.

2019 ◽  
pp. 74-103
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

After Hosni Mubarak stepped down, Egypt was ruled by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). During this time, a new form of antimilitarist activism emerged for the first time in Egyptian history. Of the three waves of antigovernment uprisings, this one was perhaps the most revolutionary: the goal was not to topple a single person or to hold elections but rather to dismantle the entrenched power of the armed forces. This chapter offers insights into these groups that fall in between the Muslim Brotherhood/military dichotomy. Many of these groups were led by women. After Mubarak was ousted, certain private companies celebrated the revolution in their advertising, but opposition to the SCAF was never commercialized. Despite egregious human rights abuses committed under the SCAF, neither the business elite nor the United States ever withdrew support from the military junta. However, the SCAF did lose popular support, evidenced when mass protests emerged in July during the Tahrir sit-in, and then again during the Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud in November–December 2011.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Alexander Sidorov

One of the aspects of the activities of France’ President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing is considered — his relationship with the army in a comparative historical context, namely: the context of the relationship between civilian power and the military. The French specificity of these relations, which developed with the coming to power of General Charles de Gaulle in 1958, is shown. The peculiarities of the formed mechanism of military decision-making in France, which resulted from the concentration of powers and legitimacy by the President — Commander-in-chief of the armed forces, are highlighted. The analysis of the reasons for the urgent issues in the army by the beginning of the presidential term of V. Giscard d'Estaing is carried out; the President's measures to strengthen this key republican institution were assessed. Attention is paid to the attempts of V. Giscard d'Estaing to adapt the French policy of nuclear deterrence to the evolution of the geopolitical situation during his time in power, which did not always meet with support in the military environment and in civil society. Two episodes (in Chad and Zaire) were singled out as examples of France's external military operations (OPEX) on the African continent under V. Giscard d'Estaing, where his role as Commander-in-chief was most clearly manifested. The underestimated role of V. Giscard d'Estaing as head of State was noted, including in strengthening the country's defence potential and in creating conditions for the further advancement of military development.


1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abraham F. Lowenthal

Several years ago, in a general essay on Dominican politics, I wrote a few pages about the political role of the Dominican Armed Forces. I argued that “the history of the past few years in the Dominican Republic may best be viewed as a constant struggle among changing alliances, not in terms of confrontation between civilian authority and the military establishment” (Lowenthal, 1969: 40). I suggested that “far from being a professional institution dedicated to certain principles that impel its occasional entry into politics, the Dominican Armed Forces have never had any significant function beyond politics, except for plunder” (Lowenthal, 1969: 40). Painting a picture of constant struggle within the Dominican Armed Forces, for power and a chance at the spoils, I played down the importance, for understanding the political role of Dominican military officers, of institutional and ideological considerations.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Jordan M. Young

The positive and often decisive role of the military in the Brazilian political process has been demonstrated again by the overthrow of the João Goulart government on April 2, 1964. Chaos and confusion building up from the time President Goulart took power in August, 1961, finally culminated in his ouster by the Brazilian armed forces.The political history of modern Brazil centers on the military. The army toppled the monarchy in 1889 and in 1894 handed the administration of the country over to civilians who governed with minor challenges until 1930. The army managed the coup d'état of 1930 which brought Getúlio Vargas to power. It removed Vargas in 1945 and returned Brazil to a democratic political process. The army moved in November, 1955, to assure the assumption of office by President-elect Juscelino Kubitschek. The presidential elections of 1960 were guaranteed by the military even though a former Minister of War, General Enrique Lott, was decisively defeated by a civilian, Jánio Quadros.


Author(s):  
Dawid Dziurkowski

Evolution of Civil Control of the Armed Forced in Poland Throughout HistoryIn the history of Poland armed forced were already regulated in the Go-vernment Act of 3rd May, 1791, although their functioning considera-bly differed from the present status of the army. The army had then a national character, which meant that all citizens were obliged to defend the motherland if its safety was threatened. During the period of the Duchy of Warsaw, officially independent, but actually subordi-nated to Napoleon I, the Polish Army was regulated by the Basic Law, which provided that the number of the military should not exceed 300,000. Despite the legal regulations the actual authority over our army was with the Emperor of the French. Later, in the Kingdom of Poland the number of the army has not been specified, but each Tsar of Russia was ex officio also the King of Poland and therefore, he exercised the authority over the Armed Forces. During the inter -war period the formal control of the armed forces was more divided and did not rest with one individual only. As the Second Polish Republic did not last long, its political system did not have time to consolidate properly. It was not by chance that during the Polish People’s Republic the Armed Forced were called “an armed arm of the Party”. It was not until 1989 that the true and actual civilian and democratic control of the military was established. It is not an easy task, but indispensable for the proper functioning of the State, the fundamental function of which is to ensure safety of its citizens.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-321
Author(s):  
Joel W. Abdelmoez

Abstract In July 2013, after months of protest, Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, was ousted by the Egyptian armed forces. The Muslim Brotherhood, who supported Morsi, took to the streets, chanting and singing against the ousting, which they termed a military coup, while supporters of Sisi, who viewed it as a revolution, began producing songs to show their allegiance to the military leadership. While abundant research has been conducted on the role of oppositional and revolutionary music in Egypt since 2011, relatively little has been done on the widely popular pro-military music sometimes known as watani music. Watani songs are a genre of patriotic music made by popular artists to show their allegiance to the Egyptian armed forces. In this paper I examine the surge of watani songs and trace their history back to the Nasser era, thereby showing a continuity in style as well as content. I further argue that there are connections between nationalism and gender constructions, as the national project comes with obligations for men to offer their bodies to the cause. This obligation is aided by constructions about ‘male bravery’ and ‘courage’ that are designed to make men believe that military service is somehow essential to masculinity. Watani music, whether commissioned or not, fits well with this mythology of military men. It forms an ideological undercurrent, supports the narrative that it is necessary for patriotic military men to bravely safeguard the nation against its enemies.


Author(s):  
Walter Armbrust

This chapter assesses the most important period in the revolution, namely the last three months of 2011. By that time the revolutionary forces—those that stayed mobilized or that remobilized periodically throughout the year—had articulated a series of demands that went far beyond the ubiquitous but vague “bread, freedom, and social justice” slogan. They included the cleansing of institutions from Mubarakist elements, greater autonomy and political freedom within universities and al-Azhar, independent labor unions, the cessation of military trials for civilians, unambiguous civilian rule, and redress for those killed or injured by the security forces. None of this had anything to do with an institutionally nurtured “democratic transition” that occupied the attention of political scientists; none of it was acknowledged by institutions or powerful public figures, who never deviated from the line that the revolution was incoherent, and merely the product of a few feckless youths. Hence, chants at demonstrations of “down with military rule” were heard by March, but it was a series of massacres and street battles beginning in October and lasting until early February of 2012 that brought anti-SCAF (Supreme Council for the Armed Forces) sentiment much more openly into the mainstream than anyone could have dreamed, given the deeply institutionalized reverence for the military in Egyptian public culture. At that point, the military had little choice but to push ahead with elections that it knew would result in a transfer of power to the Muslim Brotherhood.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHAN RUDERER

AbstractThis article analyses the history of the military clergy and contrasts its role in the Argentine and Chilean dictatorships on the basis of new, previously inaccessible sources. It is argued here that, in addition to its ideological orientation, two further factors explain differences in the influence of the military clergy on the two regimes: first, the structural position that the Military Vicariates occupied between the Church and the armed forces, and, second, the two dictatorships’ different needs for legitimisation. The analysis provides information relevant to understanding the public role of the Catholic Church and the dimensions of violence during the regimes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Igor V. Vostrikov

<p>This article interests in history of armed forces of the antiquity states, their structure, deployment order, the organization of command, evolution of arms, policy strokes, action of armies in the military conflicts, and to their use in internal political fight, as well as to involvement of mercenaries. During the Classical Period of Greek history big fame was gained by armed forces of Athens and Sparta. Athens in the 5th century BC was at the peak of power and pursued active foreign policy which was in many respects supported by powerful army and fleet. The reason of traditionally high interest in history of Athens of the Classical Period including the armed forces history of the polis also lies in it. However Athens and their armed forces suffered a serious loss and got beaten in the Peloponnese war and the final decline of political and military power of Athens occurred after defeat in Lamian war therefore military activity of the polis sharply decreases. Therefore the history of Hellenistic period Athens gets much less attention. Proceeding from it, the purpose of article consists in a research of the role of mercenaries in armed forces of Athens in the period of Hellenism. The leading method of this research is the comparative-historical method allowing tracking mercenaries hire by Athens during the specified period on the basis of a complex sources use. The main research results consist in identification of an order and features of the hired contingents use, their places in armed forces of the polis. Materials of article can be useful to the further scientific research regarding the history of Athens and military ancient history as well as to creating educational and handbooks on this perspective.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-142
Author(s):  
ALEXEY ROMAKHIN ◽  

This article reveals the problem of the role of the religious factor in the formation of the value orientations of the military personnel of the Russian army from its inception to the present state. In the article, the author reveals the significance of the Church in the formation of the value orientations of military personnel. The problem of religious situation in foreign armies is considered. The article presents data from sociological studies confirming the increase in the number of religious servicemen in the modern Armed Forces. The concept of “religious factor” is revealed. The author suggests considering the influence of the religious factor on the formation of value orientations through the functions of religion. The article provides examples of the influence of religion on the formation of value orientations of military personnel from the time of the Baptism of Russia to the present. Examples of writers of Russian classical literature about the influence of religion on the morale of troops are given. Examples of religious participation in major battles and wars of the past years are shown. The significance of the religious factor in uniting the people and the army is shown. The work of officials of the Ministry of defense of the Russian Federation in strengthening values among military personnel in modern conditions is demonstrated. The role of the Minister of defense of the Russian Federation, General of the army S.K. Shoigu in strengthening the faith of the Russian army is outlined. Issues related to the construction of the Main Temple of the Armed Forces and its impact on the public masses were discussed. In this study, the author aims to show the significant role of religion in the formation of value orientations in Russian military personnel. The analysis shows an increasing role of religion in the minds of military personnel in modern conditions.


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