scholarly journals Masculinity and Institutional Identity in South Cyprus - the case of ‘I do not forget’

Author(s):  
Stratis Andreas Efthymiou

This paper explores Greek-Cypriot masculinity through the lens of ‘I do not forget’ and was triggered by personal experiences with educational and military institutions in South Cyprus. The aim is to put forward a theoretical framework enabling a better understanding of Cypriot conflict identities, using an enquiry into institutionalised identities. The iconic image of the mother of the missing persons is mobilised in understanding the inter-constitution of post-war Greek-Cypriot nationalism as based on explicit notions of victimhood, in which the military assumes a key role in ensuring national survival. Through a discussion of two chosen institutions as examples – schools and military – I highlight that gender discourses have played a vital role in the construction of these specific institutional identities. I am using the evolution of the above slogan to mobilise the idea of identity being transmitted and crystallised through interinstitutional dialogues. ‘I do not forget’ comes to be seen as operating through meticulous institutional support of constructions of national identity, mobilised through gender. The military takes up some of these impulses and constructs specific militarist masculinities.

Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-179
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

De activist Karel Fossey schreef een gedetailleerd rapport over zijn twee dagen durend assisenproces. Deze bron is des te belangrijker omdat zijn en vele andere gerechtelijke dossiers  van activisten vernietigd werden in 1940. Bovendien blijkt hij nog heel wat meer autobiografische teksten te hebben geproduceerd. Die werpen niet alleen licht op zijn persoonlijke ervaringen maar ook op het leven in het Duitse kamp voor burgerlijke gevangenen in Holzminden tijdens de tweede helft van de oorlog en op het leven in de naoorlogse Belgische gevangenis.________"Karel Fossey appearing before the Assize Court." An autobiographical testimony about an activist trialThe activist Karel Fossey wrote a detailed report about his two-day trial before the Assize Court. This source is all the more important because his as well as many other legal dossiers of activists were destroyed in 1940. Moreover, it appears that he produced many other autobiographical texts. These not only illuminate his personal experiences, but also the life in the German camp for civil prisoners in Holzminden during the second half of the war as well as life in the post-war Belgian prison.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Laurent Tatu ◽  
Jean-Paul Feugeas

Botulinum toxin is nowadays approved as an effective medication for various neurological disorders. The extreme toxicity of this toxin-inducing botulism, a severe lethal muscle-paralyzing illness, has been well known since the seminal works of the end of the 19th century. Because of this toxicity, botulinum toxin was one of the first agents to be considered for use as a biological weapon. The Second World War was a crucial period for the first attempts to weaponize this toxin even if many unknown factors about botulinum toxin still existed at the outbreak of the war. Using documents from the British National Archives and other published sources, we discuss the main points of the attempts to weaponize this toxin in German and Allied armies. During WW2, Allied intelligence services regularly reported a major German threat related to the potential use of botulinum toxin as a biological weapon, especially during the preparation of <i>Operation Overlord</i>, the Allied invasion to liberate Europe. All these reports would ultimately prove to be inaccurate: botulinum toxin was not part of the German military arsenal even if some German scientists tried to use the results of the French pre-war military research. Misinformation spread by intelligence services stimulated military research at Porton Down facilities in England and at Camp Detrick in the USA. These studies led to a succession of failures and myths about the weaponization of botulinum toxin. Nevertheless, major progress (purification, toxoid) arose from the military research, providing useful data for the first steps of the therapeutic use of botulinum toxin in the post-war years.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 350-352
Author(s):  
Pamela M. Potter

The impetus among Germany's cultural elite to mark the end of World War II as a “zero hour” has been analyzed mainly as a German phenomenon, with considerably less attention to the role of the occupying forces in fostering that mentality. Settling Scores offers a long-awaited analysis of the American Military Government's precarious navigation in the music world, one of the most sensitive cultural areas for both the conquerors and the conquered. Most histories of twentieth-century German music and culture suffer from a basic misunderstanding of this tumultuous time and uncritically accept many of the prejudices it engendered. As this study demonstrates, the notion of a musical “zero hour” is one such misconception, for the imperfect projects of denazification and reeducation left the musical world of the post-war period largely indistinguishable from its pre-war existence. Based on thorough archival research, interviews with eyewitnesses, and a wide range of literature, this highly readable and engaging history reveals in detail the successes and failures of the Military Government's ambitious agenda to root out the musical “Führers” of the Third Reich and to transform music from a tool of nationalist aggression to one of democratic tolerance.


Author(s):  
Arbana Sahiti ◽  
Arben Sahiti ◽  
Muhamet Aliu

Abstract Today risk management plays a vital role in business. Each firm, whether big or small, makes an effort to manage risk more effectively. Risk management is very important in the financial system, especially in banks. Billions of Euros are spent each year on the financial reporting of banks. Banks should implement effective solutions in risk management to mitigate their risks. Great financial debate that originated in the 1990s is reportedly linked to errors that occurred in the banking sector due to poor risk management. It should be noted that today technology plays a key role in risk management and it has already had a positive effect on the financial industry. Analysis of risk and its management has become significant in the Kosovo economy since the post-war period. The nature of the banking business is threatened by risks because more financial products are becoming complicated. The main role of banks is intermediation between those who have resources and those seeking them. Banks face various risks at the corporate level, such as operational, liquidity, legal, credit, and market risks; thus, these risks should be converted into a composite measure. This research aims to determine practices and effects of risk management in the banking sector. Relevant data were collected from banks through questionnaires and telephone interviews; analysis has been conducted using statistical tools. This study will engage both the quantitative and qualitative methods of data analysis. Dependent variables will be separated from independent variables, and regression analysis will be used to analyse the quantitative data.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-304
Author(s):  
Nikolay F. Bugay ◽  

In the proposed review of scientific research, set out in 2 books, in a chronological framework: 1917–1977. and 1977–1993, the analysis of social technologies associated with the forms of organization of councils as state authorities, its political basis in the USSR / Russia, their capabilities, which had transformations during the periods of their formation and development, as well as other types – executive committees, revolutionary committees (revolutionary committees). The process of the emergence of the system of these authorities on the territory of the Kamchatka province / region is considered. The attitude of the researcher to the study of aspects of the topic is shown. His knowledge of both the essence of the existing assessments of their role, and the contribution to the development of the system itself. The content of directions for improving the management and regulation of social processes is analyzed. Attention is drawn to the direction of solutions to the problems of strengthening statehood, achieving effective activity of structural units, from lower to higher authorities. The author identified about 2000 portraits of political and public figures, representatives of this system in the Kamchatka region, disclosed the forms and methods of their work in different areas of management, development of the community of peoples on the territory of the multinational region. Materials and methods. In the writing of a review, the appeal to such methods as historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological, which allows, in aggregate, to trace the differences of the process, events that reflect the essence of the phenomenon that characterize the interaction, prevails. Along with this, a comparison of the processes of development of society and the management system at different stages of the period under study in 1917–1977, the military situation on the eve of the war, the war period of 1941–1945, post-war reconstruction, 1977–1993, the degree of generalization by the author of the material presented, revealing by him the essence of the transformations that took place. It is also obvious that there was every reason for attracting the prosopographic method of research, which allows not only to fully cognize the person (who represents power), but also to show the background of events. As for the materials directly, http://www.hist-edu.ru Историческая и социально-образовательная мысль. Toм 13 №2, 2021 Historical and Social-Educational Idea. Volume 13 #2, 2021 295 the researcher evaluates those that are used by him in the narrative – "living sources" (archival documents, press, memoirs) Due to the lack of analysis of the historiography of the problem under study, it is possible to present not only an assessment of the work done by the author. They mention, with rare exceptions, for example, the works of the famous writer of the Kamchatka Territory A.A. Smyshlyaev, as well as a collection of documents. The author identifies in the course of his work a large corps of workers' deputies employed in the past or in modern conditions in the work of government bodies (since 1917), of whom about 2 thousand people are mentioned.


Balcanica ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 107-133
Author(s):  
Dimitrije Djordjevic

This paper discusses the occupation of Serbia during the First World War by Austro-Hungarian forces. The first partial occupation was short-lived as the Serbian army repelled the aggressors after the Battle of Kolubara in late 1914, but the second one lasted from fall 1915 until the end of the Great War. The Austro-Hungarian occupation zone in Serbia covered the largest share of Serbia?s territory and it was organised in the shape of the Military Governorate on the pattern of Austro-Hungarian occupation of part of Poland. The invaders did not reach a clear decision as to what to do with Serbian territory in post-war period and that gave rise to considerable frictions between Austro-Hungarian and German interests in the Balkans, then between Austrian and Hungarian interests and, finally, between military and civilian authorities within Military Governorate. Throughout the occupation Serbia was exposed to ruthless economic exploitation and her population suffered much both from devastation and from large-scale repression (including deportations, internments and denationalisation) on the part of the occupation regime.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Н.Ф. Бугай

В статье на основе исследований российских ученых, архивных документов, воспоминаний рассматривается слабо изученная в отечественной историографии проблема участия представителей этнических меньшинств в битвах за Кавказ и Крым в ходе Великой Отечественной войны. В качестве примера автором избраны этнические общности курдов и корейцев. Использованы историко-генетический, историко-биографический и системно-исторический методы. Изучены меры советского командования по формированию национальных воинских подразделений; реконструированы биографии героев войны – корейцев и курдов, участвовавших в освобождении Юга России и получивших боевые награды; прослежена их послевоенная судьба; рассмотрены репрессивные действия советского правительства по отношению к военнослужащим некоторых национальностей. Автор заключает, что представители разных народов СССР, столкнувшись с врагом, проявили стремление к единству и добровольное желание выступить на защиту государства, которое они избрали своей Родиной. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the biographies of participants in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), who belonged to ethnic minorities and fought for the liberation of the Caucasus and Crimea from Nazi invaders. As an example, the author selected ethnic communities of Kurds and Koreans. The study was conducted on the basis of research by Russian scholars, archival documents, and memoirs of direct participants in the events. The historical-genetic, historical-biographical and system-historical methods were used. The measures of the Soviet command for the formation of national military units were studied, the biographies of war heroes, Koreans and Kurds who participated in the liberation of the South of Russia and received military awards (including the title Hero of the Soviet Union) were reconstructed. The author describes in detail the military clashes during which these fighters showed military prowess, presents their photographs, and traces their further military path, post-war fate and forms of their memory perpetuation. Quotations from the war veterans’ front-line letters and their relatives’ memoirs are given. The repressive actions of the Soviet government towards the military personnel of certain nationalities, who after the demobilization received the status of “special settlers” and lost their military tickets and award sheets, are also considered. The author emphasizes that the fight against the enemy was a test of strength for the unity of the peoples living in the Caucasus and Crimea. Examples of civic solidarity in the fight against the enemy shown by ethnic minorities in the early days of the war (mass enrollment in volunteers, holding civil rallies) are given. It is noted that representatives of local ethnic communities became the basis of 12 military units that were at the forefront of the defenders of the Caucasus. The paradoxical nature of the situation in which USSR citizens were repressed for various (often far-fetched) reasons is stated; however, during the war they still heroically fought against Nazism with arms in their hands. The author connects the repressions against members of the ethnic minorities with the ethnosocial policy pursued by the Soviet state, as well as the spread of desertion and draft evasion in the North Caucasus and Crimea. It is concluded that representatives of ethnic minorities living in the USSR, faced with the enemy, showed a desire for unity and a voluntary desire to defend the state, which they chose as their homeland.


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