scholarly journals Ընտրությունները Հայաստանի Հանրապետությունում: Աշխարհագրական Վերլուծություն

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husik Ghulyan

Armenian abstract: Գրքում հայ իրականության մեջ առաջին անգամ ընտրությունների աշխարհագրությունը ներկայացվում է որպես գիտության ինքնուրույն ճյուղ, որը զբաղվում է ընտրական գործընթացների տարածքային կազմակերպման հիմնահարցերով: Վերլուծվում է մեր հանրապետությունում ընտրությունների ընդհանուր աշխարհագրական առանձնահատկությունները, ընտրական պրոցեսների վրա այնպիսի աշխարհագրական գործոնների ազդեցությունը, ինչպիսիք են` ուրբանիզացիան, տարաբնակեցման կառուցվածքը, սոցիալ-տնտեսական պայմանների տարածքային անհամամասնությունները և այլն: Գիրքը կարող է օգտակար լինել ոչ միայն աշխարհագետների, այլ նաև քաղաքագիտության, սոցիոլոգիայի և այլ ոլորտների մասնագետների համար: Այն կարող է նաև օգտակար լինել բոլոր նրանց համար, ովքեր հետաքրքրված են մեր հանրապետությունում ընթացող քաղաքական և ընտրական երևույթներով:English Abstract: This book, for the first time in Armenian experience, presents Electoral Geography as an independent scientific branch, engaged in exploring the territorial organization of the electoral process. In the book the general geographical features of the elections in our republic, the influence on the electoral process of such geographical factors as urbanization, spatial distribution of settlements, spatial allocation of socio-economic conditions, etc., are analyzed. This book can be useful not only for geographers, but also for the specialists of Political science, Sociology, etc. It can also be useful for all those who are interested in the political and electoral phenomena in our republic.

GeoTextos ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Carlos Rodrigues ◽  
Robson Francisco Barros dos Santos ◽  
Cássio Fonseca Alves

Este artigo foi construído a partir de uma pesquisa que estabeleceu uma intrínseca relação entre geografia e voto no estado do Tocantins. Seu objetivo principal consistiu em desenvolver uma análise sobre a distribuição espacial dos votos para o poder executivo estadual (governador) de 1988 a 2010, nesta unidade da federação, distribuídos em seus 139 municípios, a fim de identificarmos as territorialidades dos votos bem como os domínios eleitorais estaduais que se estabeleceram ao longo da vida política tocantinense. Para tanto, ao longo desta pesquisa, nos dedicamos a leituras bibliográficas pertinentes ao referido tema, e a coletar e cartografar os resultados dos pleitos eleitorais disponíveis no Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) e no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral-Tocantins (TRE/TO). Como considerações, apontamos o uso e o controle do território exercido por meio do voto por distintos atores políticos regionais, a manutenção do poder político de uma elite política estabelecida desde a primeira eleição para governador (1988) e suas implicações sobre a geografia eleitoral tocantinense. Abstract THE ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE STATE OF TOCANTINS:ANALYSIS OF THE ELECTIONS FOR GOVERNOR FROM 1988 TO 2010 This article was devised based on a survey that establishes an intrinsic relationship between geography and vote in the State of Tocantins. The main objective consisted in developing an analysis of the spatial distribution of the votes for the state executive (governor) from 1988 to 2010 in this state, distributed into its 139 municipal districts, so we can identify the territoriality of the votes as well as the state voting domains that were established during the political life in Tocantins. For such, during this survey, we spent time reading bibliographies related to the theme in question, and to collect and map the results of the election dispute available in the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) and Regional Electoral Court-Tocantins (TRE/TO). As considerations, we appointed the use and control of the territory exercised by means of the vote by distinct regional political players, maintenance of the political power over a political elite established since the first election for governor (1988) and its implications on the electoral geography of Tocantins


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 237-242
Author(s):  
Todd Landman ◽  
Hans-Joachim Lauth

The investigation of trade-offs in political science receives only limited attention, although many scholars acknowledge the importance of trade-offs across a variety of different areas. A systematic and comprehensive examination of the topic is missing. This thematic issue of <em>Politics and Governance</em> sheds light on this research deficit by providing a holistic but also an integrative view on trade-offs in the political realm for the first time. Researchers of trade-offs from different political areas present and discuss their findings, and promote a fruitful exchange, which overcomes the current isolation of the approaches. They consider the theoretical and methodological questions as well as the identification of empirical trade-offs. Furthermore, they provide insights into the possibility to balance trade-offs and strategies, which could help actors to find such compromises.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole C. O’Byrne

In the 1930s, the Métis Association of Alberta (MAA) successfully lobbied the provincial government to establish a royal commission to inquire into the socio-economic conditions affecting the Métis living in Alberta. The MAA strongly advocated that land be set aside so that the Métis could continue to pursue their traditional economic livelihoods of hunting, trapping, and fishing. Following the recommendation of the Ewing Commission, the provincial government passed the 1938 Metis Population Betterment Act, which provided for Métis land settlements. These lands represent the first time in Canadian history that a provincial government set aside land in response to Métis claims. The MAA and provincial government both agreed on the land grant, but for different reasons. The Métis were motivated by historical claims to redress failed government policies such as the Métis scrip program and to protect land rights from the further incursion of non-Aboriginal settlement. By contrast, the provincial government saw the land grant as an expedient and inexpensive way to distribute relief to one of the province’s poorest populations. This paper illuminates the Alberta government’s response to the political lobbying efforts of the MAA in the 1930s to address the question of why Alberta was the first (and only) Canadian province to set aside Métis land settlements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-117
Author(s):  
Ю. О. Загуменна ◽  
В. В. Лазарєв

Local self-government is an integral part of a democratic society, since it actively influ-ences the political and socio-economic conditions for the development of civil society, and becomes an important prerequisite for the creation of a democratic and legal state. The de-velopment of legislative principles of local self-government in the Ukrainian state is influ-enced by the experience of Western standards of local self-government, the practice of state building in Eastern European and other countries. An important factor for the devel-opment of self-government institutions is the process of globalization, which significantly changes socio-political relations, changes the principles of interaction of territorial com-munities, political organizations and local self-government agencies. The authors of the ar-ticle study the current theoretical and methodological, legal and practical aspects of local self-government in Ukraine. The historical regularities of the formation and development of local self-government in Ukraine (1991–2019) are studied. The stages of the formation and reform of local self-government and territorial organization of public power in Ukraine are determined, namely the authors have distinguished three stages: 1990-1996 (formation of the institution of local self-government of independent Ukraine before the adoption of the Constitution); 1996–2014 (development of the Constitutional principles of local self-government); from 2014 to the present day (reform of local self-government of Ukraine, decentralization). The current problems of ensuring the effective functioning of local self-government agencies are studied.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Dobrowolsky ◽  
Fiona MacDonald ◽  
Tracey Raney ◽  
Cheryl N. Collier ◽  
Pascale Dufour

It is with great pleasure that we present this special issue showcasing contemporary feminist political research, theories and practices in Canada. In an era characterized by global movements and numerous transformations that range from the economic to the environmental, the political to the cultural, from macro- through to micro-scales, including complex debates about the fluidity of gender, and where “backlash” against the symbols and agents of past feminist activism is rife, this special issue queries where do we find feminism(s) today? The responses to this question, as well as to the interrogation of the place of gender in the discipline of political science more generally, are undoubtedly diverse and contested. The collective efforts contained in this special issue feature a mere taste of the rich range of thought-provoking recent scholarship on feminisms. And even with this necessarily condensed portrayal (the articles in this issue are shorter than is normally the case to allow for more work to be featured), the special issue is ground-breaking in that it marks the first time the Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique has dedicated an entire issue to topics of gender and feminisms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (11(75)) ◽  
pp. 28-32
Author(s):  
H. Rasulov

The article is devoted to the socio-political, legal and terminological analysis of the concept of electronic culture, which is the main subject of the electoral process. Electoral culture was studied from the point of view of political science as an integral part of the political and legal culture of society. Electoral culture as a part of political culture was analyzed as a political phenomenon, which is reflected in determining the attitude of citizens towards the electoral process. The term “electoral culture” was studied as a stable sign of the attitude of the population, voters to elections and the practice of their conduct, as the dominant method of relations between voters and the authorities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document