scholarly journals Hard and Soft Power Approaches to Armed Conflicts: The United States in Iraq and Russia in Syria

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-110
Author(s):  
Greg Simons

Armed conflicts are generally associated with the use of hard power for coercing and forcing an opponent to do something against its will in a situation where war is an extension of politics. However, there are many scholarly observations about the important role of soft power in armed conflicts, the interaction between hard and soft power, and the effects on one another within the framework of an armed conflict. This paper explores two specific armed conflicts, the 2003 U.S.-led military intervention in Iraq and the 2015 Russian intervention in Syria. Various aspects of hard and soft power approaches are discussed, and the outcome of military operations for the national soft power potential is analyzed. The results of the study show that whereas the Iraq War came as a disaster for the U.S., the military operation in Syria—despite dire predictions—created strengths and opportunities for Russia in international relations.

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-476
Author(s):  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI

This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (IV) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Rubab Musarrat ◽  
Muniba Fatima Zahra ◽  
Amna Ashraf

This study targets to investigate the impact of Inter-Services of Public Relations (ISPR) production, broadcasted during the war against terrorism, on Pakistani youth. It is hypothesized that ISPR productions have helped in inflating the motivation level of Pakistani youth, thus helping in promoting the nationalism and positive image of Pakistan. Furthermore, the role of ISPR productions in motivating youth to join Pakistan's Army is also explored. A cross-sectional survey research design was used. The sample of this study was comprised of youth aged between 18 to 24 years, selected through the non-probability purposive sample. The measures comprised of a self-constructed indigenous questionnaire assessing the impact of ISPR productions during a military operation in image building, promotion of nationalism and motivation to join the army. The data analyzed through SPSS Version 22.00 yielded insightful findings. The finding revealed that watching ISPR productions helped in instilling a fervent attitude of Pakistani youth towards nationalism and the Pakistani military. There had been a clearer inclination of youth to aspire for joining the military for upholding the nationalism beliefs, and this finding appears promising, keeping in mind the relative declining opinion that has been observed in youth from the past decade pertaining to nationalism and military operations.


Author(s):  
Mikołaj KUGLER

This article addresses the issue of Poland's troop contributions to US-led military operations, which for Poland constituted a salient instrument for attaining its security policy goals. It is argued that the United States of America played a pivotal role in Poland’s security policy, and by providing it with active support for the military operations in which the US exercised political and/or military leadership, Poland hoped to advance its security agenda. This assumption stemmed from America’s leading role in the global system and a conviction that it could influence its development in the way suiting the Polish interest. The article is in four parts. First, it examines the significance of foreign deployments as an instrument for attaining Poland’s security policy goals. Next, it explains the role the United States was assigned in Poland’s security policy. After that, it recounts the operations of Polish military contingents in US-led allied and coalition military operations. Finally, it discusses whether and how the engagement in those operations contributed to enhancing Poland’s security. The article embraces the period from the first military operation to which Poland deployed troops following the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1991 to the termination of the ISAF operation, which has had the largest Polish presence to date, in 2014. Keywords:


Hadmérnök ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
György Leskó

The fulfilment of environmental protection requirements and social expectations has become a requirement in the field of military operations as well. Impacts that threaten the ecosystems increasingly occur during the activities of the armed forces and military operations. A recently created new field of science, the ecology of warfare, investigates the military, the support systems for the armed forces and national defence, and their relation to the environment as living systems above the level of the individual (like human ecology). Ecology of warfare examines habitats, the relationship between organisms and the environment in the military field. The capability-based, mission-based, coordinated (target, place and time) ability to use military forces has an impact on the ecology. The analysis of the place and role of military operations from the perspective of the ecology of warfare is an important, timely issue. In the study, the author analyses the tasks required for planning, organising and conducting a military operation and their relationship to environmental protection.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-570
Author(s):  
Mustafa Abdalla A. Kashiem

While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.


Author(s):  
Brian E. Frydenborg

Modern theorists, developers, and practitioners of peace/stability operations should look to relevant historical examples for guidance. Despite the many centuries separating the ancient Roman Republic from today, its experiences with similar operations (perhaps “proto-peace/stability operations”) are demonstrably deeply relevant to current discussions. The Republic's structural, historical, moral, and geopolitical context and similarities to the United States and other major practitioners of today's relevant operations will be discussed, as will the concept of Roman peace. A model of international relations analysis that takes into account friendship, trust, and morality (soft power) in addition to military “realist” aspects (hard power) will be shown to be the best prism through which to analyze this material, and an in-depth examination of Rome's five major interventions in mainland Greece from 200-146 BCE will be presented with analyses of their successes and failures. The conclusion will look at the striking similarities to and relevance for modern peace/stability operations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (41) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Khanh Tiet Pham ◽  
Tung Thanh Diep

The world is changing rapidly, the power of countries is shifting from traditional "hard power" to taking advantage of "soft power", including the strength aspect of culture. This article focuses on reviewing cultural approaches and the role of cultural policies in promoting national soft power. In particular, the experiences of the US and China in formulating, implementing cultural policies and promoting the soft power of culture are respectively emphasized. The lesson that can be learned from changes in the world situation is that the role of culture and soft power has always been an important force in the foreign policy of countries. Thereal prestige of a country formed through the process of international relations and cultural promotion is considered as a solid foundation of soft power. That prestige can be built from the good cultural values that the country has, pursues and influences other countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ľubomír Zvada

This Handbook maps the contours of an exciting and burgeoning interdisciplinary field concerned with the role of language and languages in situations of conflict. It explores conceptual approaches, sources of information that are available, and the institutions and actors that mediate language encounters. It examines case studies of the role that languages have played in specific conflicts, from colonial times through to the Middle East and Africa today. The contributors provide vibrant evidence to challenge the monolingual assumptions that have affected traditional views of war and conflict. They show that languages are woven into every aspect of the making of war and peace, and demonstrate how language shapes public policy and military strategy, setting frameworks and expectations. The Handbook's 22 chapters powerfully illustrate how the encounter between languages is integral to almost all conflicts, to every phase of military operations and to the lived experiences of those on the ground, who meet, work and fight with speakers of other languages. This comprehensive work will appeal to scholars from across the disciplines of linguistics, translation studies, history, and international relations; and provide fresh insights for a broad range of practitioners interested in understanding the role and implications of foreign languages in war.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphaël van Steenberghe

Proportionality is a condition provided under both jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Based on a particular interpretation of state practice and international case law, recent legal literature argues that the two notions of proportionality are interrelated in that proportionality under jus in bello is included in the assessment of proportionality under jus ad bellum. This article seeks to refute such a position and, more generally, to clarify the relationship between the two notions of proportionality.The main argument of the article is in line with the traditional position regarding the relationship between jus ad bellum and jus in bello. It is argued that, although sharing common features and being somewhat interconnected, the notions of proportionality provided under these two separate branches of international law remain independent of each other, mainly because of what is referred to in this article as the ‘general versus particular’ dichotomy, which characterises their relations. Proportionality under jus ad bellum is to be measured against the military operation as a whole, whereas proportionality under jus in bello is to be assessed against individual military attacks launched in the framework of this operation.This article nonetheless emphasises the risk of overlap between the assessments of the two notions of proportionality when the use of force involves only one or a few military operations. Indeed, in such situations, the ‘general versus particular’ dichotomy, which normally enables one to make a distinct assessment between the two notions of proportionality, is no longer applicable since it becomes impossible to distinguish between the military operation as a whole and the individual military attacks undertaken during this operation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-120
Author(s):  
Petra Kiss

Since August 1945 atomic weapons have become significant factors in international relations, every state with great ambitions has aspired to get atomic secrets. The primary goal of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) created in 1949 was – possessing the United States’, a nuclear power’s, security guarantee – to deter the Soviet agression. The first strategic documents of the Alliance were written with this very purpose. However, in the 1950s there was a shift in the allied nations’ policies, which influenced NATO’s strategic thinking as well, so in 1957 a real different strategic concept was adopted. Gaining technological superiority became the most important goal, which led to development and intense production of nuclear weapons. This article examines the emerging role of nuclear weapons and the changing strategy of the Alliance between 1949 and 1957.


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