scholarly journals The Constructive Power of Slogans in Post-Socialist Poland

1969 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 494-506
Author(s):  
Jaro Stacul
Keyword(s):  
Positive Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
Temporal Dimension ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Neoliberal Reform ◽  
The People ◽  
The Face

Slogans can tell us a great deal about the ways states attempt to legitimate their neoliberal reform policies, and how the contradictions of the neoliberal project are concealed. Civic Platform, the political force in charge of such reforms that governed Poland from 2007 until 2015, deployed the slogan “We are building Poland” to convey ideas of solidarity and positive change in the face of widespread inequalities. I argue that because slogans have a temporal dimension, understanding their appeal (or lack thereof) entails understanding the ideas about historical time that they mobilise among the people who are exposed to them.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

scholarly journals Satire in Shrestha’s Ghintang Ghishi Twank

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Man Kumar Rai
Keyword(s):  
Positive Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Common People ◽  
The People ◽  
Hands On ◽  
Special Occasion ◽  
The Common

   The objective of this article is to analyze the use of satire in three poems, from Rupesh  Shrestha’s volume of poems Ghintang Ghishi Twank in order to examine use of the suffering of voiceless people. The poems depict absurdities of the society and hypocrisy of the leaders which are the causes of poor people‟s pains. This poems exhibit how follies, vices and absurdities are hurdle in transforming society into prosperous one. The poet has berated them with the aim of bringing positive change in the society and in the lives of the common people. The poet mocks at the political changes which have brought change only in the lives of political leaders, not in the lives of the people who have been ignored by the state for long. Despite many anxieties, they enjoy dancing and playing sticks in their hands on the special occasion of Gaijatra. The poems are collection of sharp words which are used to butt the corrupt politicians. For this, the elements of Juvenalian satire have been used as tools for analysis of the selected poems. This study highlights upon the anxieties of marginalized people; demonstrates the shameful act of politicians; and exposes the absurdities prevailed in the society. It indicates that the political and social absurdities are subject to be poked in order to reform a society.

‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707

1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Smyth
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Sovereignty ◽  
Inferior Status ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And Ethnicity ◽  
Two Kingdoms

ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did not enjoy legislative independence, and the political elite was powerless in the face of laws promulgated at Westminster, such as the i6gg woollen act, which were detrimental to its interests. One possible solution to the problem of inferior status lay in legislative union with England or Great Britain. Increasingly in the years before 1707 certain Irish protestant politicians elaborated the economic, constitutional and practical advantages to be gained from a union, but they also based their case upon an appeal to the shared religion and ethnicity of the sovereign's loyal subjects in the two kingdoms. In short the protestants insisted that they were English. This unionist episode thus illustrates the profoundly ambivalent character of protestant identity in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Ireland.

scholarly journals Interrogating the Constitutional Requisites for Legislative Oversight in the Promotion of Accountability and Good Governance in South Africa and Nigeria

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-59
Author(s):  
Omololu Fagbadebo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The People ◽  
Legislative Oversight ◽  
The Face ◽  
Legislative Activities

This article interrogates the effectiveness of the requisites for constitutional provisions in respect of the promotion of accountability and good governance in South Africa and Nigeria. The article notes that the drafters of the Constitutions of the two countries made sufficient provisions for the regulation and control of the executive and legislative activities in a manner that could guarantee effective service delivery. These constitutional provisions, in line with the practices of their respective governing systems of the two countries, empower the legislature to hold the executive accountable. The article discovers that the lawmakers in the two countries lacked the capacity to harness the provisions for intended purposes. Using the elite theory for its analysis, the article argues that legislative oversight in South Africa and Nigeria is not as effective as envisaged in the constitutional provisions envisaged. This weakness has given rise to the worsening governance crises in the two countries in spite of their abundant economic and human resources. The article opines that the institutional structures of the political systems of the two countries, especially the dominant party phenomenon, coupled with the personal disposition of the political elites incapacitate the effective exercise of the oversight powers of legislatures in the two countries. The article, therefore, submits that the people of the two countries have to devise another means of holding their leaders accountable in the face of collaboration between the executive and the legislature to perpetuate impunity in the public space. Independent agencies should be more active in the exposure of unethical behaviours of the political elites, while the judiciary should be more independent in the dispensation of justice.

scholarly journals Do we underestimate the political strength of New Zealand’s local government?

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Drage
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Voice ◽  
Parliamentary Support

The decision to put the Local Government Act 2002 Amendment Bill (No 2) on hold in September 2016 demonstrates clearly the strength that local government has as a unified political voice within our democracy. Early parliamentary support for deliberation on this proposed amendment has now been withdrawn in the face of a strong and determined response from local councils and those who represent them. And while an impending general election year may have tempered the National-led government’s resolve here, one can only wonder what local government could achieve if it worked together as a united political force more often. 

The King Is King by the Grace of the People: The Exercise and Control of Power in Subject-Ruler Relations

1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ørnulf Gulbrandsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Authority Figure ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Face ◽  
And Control

In the face of the dominating tradition of British structural functionalism, anthropological studies of political leadership represented an important move towards accounting for the dynamics of centralized, as well as acephalous, polities (for example, Barth 1959 and Baily 1970; cf. Schapera 1956). Moreover, in focusing upon political actors and, by extension, political relations, these studies necessarily took account of the role of the subjects. Yet, despite Gluckman's innovative notion of “rituals of rebellion” (1954; cf. Beidelman 1966), the issue of political leadership has rarely focused upon the political dynamics of the ruler-subject relationship, examining the concerns and responses of those who more or less voluntarily subject themselves to an authority figure. Even such an important contribution as Succession to High Office (Goody 1966) completely ignores this issue.

The Yorkshire Association and the Crisis of 1779–80

1947 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Butterfield
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
English History ◽  
The People ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
Internal Condition ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Revolutionary Situation ◽  
Pathological Case

Even before the beginning of the movement which it is our purpose to examine, the position of the government of Lord North had come to be critical. Perhaps never in English history has a ministry known comparable distress and at the same time been compelled to go on existing through it. The difficulties came to a head in a catastrophic manner in October and November 1779, after the government had shown its helplessness in the face of a possible invasion of these islands, and news had come of the development of a semi-revolutionary situation in Ireland. And as Parliament was to reassemble on 25 November the internal condition of the ministry deteriorated—some members resigning, the rest in a state of anarchy, Lord North himself almost a pathological case, often paralysed by his doubts and incapacitated by his moods of depression—and, precisely because of these difficulties, there was the prospect of a union of opposition factions who might well believe that one last desperate endeavour would complete the overthrow of the ministry. On the top of everything, there was the fact that the next general election was beginning to seem imminent, and at this stage in the life of a Parliament the members in an extraordinary manner would begin to be sensitive to opinion in their constituencies. When Parliament re-assembled the political conflict was made more dramatic in that the issue was more clearly set out by the opposition as a matter of the People versus the King. On repeated occasions the dangerous influence of the crown—and especially the closet activity—was made the principal object of opposition attack. Henceforward this is a central theme in parliamentary debate.

scholarly journals Amazônia Brasileira na Pandemia: A Difícil Missão de Sobreviver ao Coronavírus e à Crise Política do País

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 47-58
Author(s):  
Bárbara Cruz ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Amazon Rainforest ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Impact

This article has as main objective to discuss the impact of the Coronavirus pandemic on the Brazilian Amazon, its consequences and conflicts not only in the forest but also in the people living in the region, especially the situation of indigenous peoples and how COVID-19 has been impacting the tribes directly and indirectly, through the exposure of opinions, facts and historical context, factors of paramount importance that help to build the current panorama of the Amazon within the pandemic. In addition, this article aims to analyse the political crisis that Brazil is facing at the moment and how it influences the impacts suffered by the Amazon macro-region, in order to highlight the need for discussion — now more than ever —, to protect and preserve Amazonian diversity in the face of a government that omits responsibility for the prevention of Amazonian identity. The concern with the Amazon rainforest is not something recent, however the current moment is decisive in the history of the largest tropical forest in the world.

scholarly journals Mochammad Natsir dan Pemikiran Ekonomi Ummat 1950-1960

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-434
Author(s):  
Imas Emalia
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
History Of Thought ◽  
The Earth ◽  
The People ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
Islamic Economic ◽  
Economic Thinking

Abstract This article is intended as an attempt to reconstruct the history of thought from a figure of the famous politician who is soft, firm, and islamic behave, Mochammad Natsir. His thoughts about the economy of the Muslims is as his fight in Indonesia people’s destinies take notice, especially Muslims. During his life in pursuit of economic Natsir Mochammad Muslims either when he politicking, of community, and preaching. Related to the economic development of this Ummah, Mochammad Natsir championed economic development via the Ummah Party Mayumi, the largest Islamic Ummah as the party at the time. In discussing character Mochammad Natsir, has always been in the political discussion, whether its action in politics or also his idea about politics that inevitably associated with Islam, very little discussion about his thinking in the field of Economics, but it turns out that economics is concerned Natsir Mochammad Ummah, generally the people of Indonesia. His thoughts on the economy is very inspiring and uplifting for the people of Indonesia to be able to maintain his life struggling to avoid poverty, squalor, misery, and suffering due to the behavior of those who blackmail her life wander the property. His idea about Islamic economic development Mochammad Natsir Ummah who looks at and strive to let the Muslims during the post-revolution until the 1960 's can live peaceful, prosperous, far from suffering, poverty, misery, and always pay attention to the messages from the teachings of Islam. Message from thinking this is about Mochammad Natsir human duty to care for and respect each other, because that is the nature of a human being as an independent creature who had to work hard in the face of the Earth to avoid poverty. This paper, entitled "the Economic Thinking and Natsir Mochammad Ummah 1950-1960".---Abstrak Makalah ini dimaksudkan sebagai usaha merekonstruksi sejarah pemikiran dari seorang sosok politikus terkenal yang lembut, tegas, dan islami, yakni Mochammad Natsir. Pemikirannya tentang ekonomi ummat adalah sebagai perjuangannya dalam memperhatikan nasib rakyat Indonesia, terutama ummat Islam. Selama hidupnya Mochammad Natsir memperjuangkan ekonomi ummat baik ketika ia berpolitik, bermasyarakat, dan berdakwah. Terkait dengan pembangunan ekonomi ummat ini, Mochammad Natsir memperjuangkan pembangunan ekonomi ummat melalui Partai Mayumi, sebagai partai ummat Islam terbesar saat itu. Dalam membahas tokoh Mochammad Natsir, selama ini selalu pada pembahasan politik, baik kiprahnya dalam berpolitik atau juga pemikiran-pemikirannya tentang politik yang pasti dikaitkan dengan Islam, sangat sedikit pembahasan tentang pemikirannya di bidang ekonomi, padahal ternyata Mochammad Natsir sangat memperhatikan ekonomi ummat Islam, umumnya rakyat Indonesia. Pemikirannya tentang ekonomi sangat memberikan inspirasi dan semangat bagi rakyat Indonesia untuk dapat berjuang mempertahankan hidupnya yang terhindar dari kemiskinan, kemelaratan, kesengsaraan, dan penderitaan akibat perilaku pemerasan dari mereka yang hidupnya bergelimang harta. Untuk itu makalah ini akan menyoroti Pemikiran Mochammad Natsir tentang pembangunan ekonomi ummat yang memandang dan mengusahakan agar umat Islam pada periode pasca revolusi sampai tahun 1960 dapat hidup damai, sejahtera, jauh dari penderitaan, kemiskinan, kesengsaraan, dan senantiasa memperhatikan pesan-pesan dari ajaran agama Islam. Pesan dari pemikiran Mochammad Natsir ini adalah tentang tugas manusia untuk menjaga dan menghormati sesamanya, karena itu  adalah fitrah seorang manusia sebagai makhluk yang merdeka yang harus bekerja keras di muka bumi untuk menghindari kemiskinan. Makalah ini berjudul “Mochammad Natsir dan Pemikiran Ekonomi Ummat 1950-1960”.

Assembling Contexts

Inner Asia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe Ellis
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Field ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
The People ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

This paper attempts to rethink the relationship between the practice of shamanism and the political-economic ‘context’ it is held to emerge from in contemporary Mongolia. In the face of an extraordinary ‘revival’ in shamanism, anthropologists have sought explanations for the phenomenon that centre around a concern with how to locate it in relation to the social, economic and political structures alongside which it manifests. Authors tend to produce accounts that either reduce shamanism to an expression of more fundamental material realities, or explore the cosmo-ontological parameters of the practice itself, in turn masking its articulation with other processes in the social field. This point will be illustrated with reference to a novel ethnography of the making of the shamanic gown in Ulaanbaatar. Yet more than this, it will be suggested that a more sustained reflection upon the nature of the shamanic gown, and consideration of new information regarding the processes that contribute to its creation, might provide the means to theorise in a rather different fashion. The shamanic gown and the people and things mobilised in its emergence do not simply collect social and theoretical contexts, but rather flow outward. As such, while being both intimately reactiveandirreducible to the adjacent realities, Mongolian shamanism also engages in themakingof these very structures. Shamanism and the making of shamanic gowns do not simply emerge from, or deny, contexts; they assemble them.

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