scholarly journals MEMPERSIAPKAN BISNIS ONLINE BAGI PRODUK SASIRANGAN DI KELURAHAN SUNGAI MESA KOTA BANJARMASIN

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Basuki Basuki ◽  
Zakky Zamrudi ◽  
Hairul Hairul

Sasirangan cloth industry continue to grow through Banjarmasin and South Kalimantan in general. Supporting of the government and the other parties, sasirangan industry be one of locomotion economic the people who could not being taken from granted. Almost hundreds of home industries have good scale, micro and small thrives in South Kalimantan income of a whole reach millions until even billions of rupiah per month. Increasing competition in cloth industry they need to in open opportunities marketing via internet. Basically between business online and the internet marketing have in common meaning or similar signification, same has objective to earn a living through digital world. But for the internet marketing more oriented to techniques get money from the online business.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-133
Author(s):  
Rikson Siburian ◽  
Minsyahril Bukit ◽  
Herlince Sihotang ◽  
Saur Lumban Raja ◽  
Minto Supeno ◽  
...  

Evaluation of environment of seaport is needed as well as our responsibility to nature sustainability. The Alor’s seaport belongs to Pelindo III. In order to know the air quality of Alor’s seaport, we did this study. Our aims are to know level quality of air at Alor’s seaport and compare to the government regulation. This study refers to Pararosaniline (SOx), Saltzman (NOx), Particle Calculation (dust) and decibel (noisy) methods. We used four locations, those are A-1 (Entrance gate of PELINDO (8013’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)); A-2 (In front of passengers terminal (8013’08.75”S, 124031’01.60”E)); A-3 (Exit  gate Kalabahi’s seaport (8013’08.2”S, 124031’00.87”E)) and A-4 (In front of port of the people (8011’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)). Results show that the averages level of SOx, NOx and dust of A-1, A-2 and A-3 are 103.01, 104.65 and 107.47 (µg/Nm3), 37.87, 30.62, and 39.73 (µg/Nm3), 56.64, 47.47 and 50.72 (µg/Nm), respectively. On the other hand, the level of noisy of A-1, A-2, A-3 and A-4 are 68.76, 65.69, 65.20 and 73.60 (dBA), respectively. Base on all of data, we conclude that the air quality of Alor’s seaport is still appropriate according to government regulation (PP. No. 4, 1999).


Philosophy ◽  
1940 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
J. H. Muirhead

Second in importance only to the question raised by the short editorial in the last number of Philosophy: Why are we at War? is that on which there is at present a lively discussion going on in The Times and elsewhere under the title of “German Rulers and People”: With Whom are we at War? On one point there is no difference of opinion: we are at war with the blood- and crimestained group that, with Hitler at their head, hold the reins of government. Difference begins when it is asked what share the people of Germany as a whole has in their crimes. On the one side are those who hold that, as you cannot, in historical words, “bring an indictment against a whole nation,” neither can you be at war with a whole people, and that the main problem we have before us is the discovery of the means to appeal to the intelligence and hearts of the mass of the nation in order to enlist it against its Government as a common enemy. On the other side are those who quote the equally historic words that “every nation gets the kind of government it deserves,” from which “it follows that it deserves no immunity for the acts of the Government by which it chooses, or allows itself, to be governed.” This argument is reinforced first by a general philosophy of war as the “natural” order of things from which man is only gradually emerging into an exceptional and precarious condition of peace; and secondly, with regard to Germany in particular, that “the lust for dominance through force is, and will be for generations, at the root of the German character.” The importance of the issue as thus stated requires no emphasis.


1915 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-308
Author(s):  
A. N. Holcombe

The Massachusetts constitution of 1780 provided that there should be a council “for advising the governor in the executive part of the government.” The governor was authorized to convene the council at any time at his discretion “for the ordering and directing the affairs of the commonwealth.” Without the advice and consent of the council, the governor was declared to be incapable of exercising any of his powers of convoking, adjourning, or proroguing the legislature, of making appointments to office, of pardoning criminals, or of authorizing by warrant the expenditure of public moneys. The governor was not made dependent upon the advice and consent of his council in exercise of his legislative powers. He might at discretion recommend measures to the legislature and veto legislative enactments, but no executive authority whatsoever was entrusted to him alone, to be exercised without his council's advice and consent, except the command of the armed forces of the commonwealth. In short, the governor, though declared to be the supreme executive magistrate of the commonwealth, without the consent of his council was impotent in the conduct of state administration.In the beginning the Massachusetts council was chosen by the legislature, and constituted one of the chief agencies relied upon by the revolutionary “fathers” to protect the people against the menace of executive usurpation and tyranny. Similar bulwarks of liberty were established in most of the other states.


1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Maurice Low

A century of constitutional government in the United States has served to emphasize the wisdom of Hamilton's warning of “the tendency of the legislative authority to absorb every other.” He clearly foresaw and attempted to guard against, dangers that today are only too apparent. “In governments purely republican,” he wrote, “this tendency is almost irresistible. The representatives of the people, in a popular assembly, seem sometimes to fancy that they are the people themselves, and betray strong symptoms of impatience and disgust at the least sign of opposition from any other quarter; as if the exercise of its rights, by either the executive or the judiciary, were a breach of their privilege and an outrage to their dignity. They often appear disposed to exert an imperious control over the other departments; and, as they commonly have the people on their side, they always act with such momentum as to make it very difficult for the other members of the government to maintain the balance of the Constitution.”Never did human ingenuity devise a more nicely balanced system of government than when the framers of the Constitution allocated to the executive and to the legislature the exercise of powers not to be infringed by the other; but like many things human the intent has been perverted. Every person familiar with the Constitution, the debates in the convention, and the writings of Madison, Hamilton, and Jay in The Federalist, must know that the purpose of the framers of the Constitution was to create a system of government by which the President should become neither the creature nor the controller of the legislature; and by vesting certain exclusive powers in the popular branch and certain other powers in the Senate to provide that the line of demarcation between the two houses should not be overstepped.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Aris Puji Purwatiningsih ◽  
Muchlis Yahya

The purpose of this article is to find out the practices and problems of why zakat in Indonesia have not been manage optimally as it is in Malaysia. This study applies descriptive method by collecting data and information from previous articles about zakat, especially zakat management in Indonesia and Malaysia. The findings show that the main problems in managing zakat in Indonesia are: first, there is no government regulation that requires all Muslim citizens who have property that reach nisab requirement to give out zakat. Secondly, Moslem community prefers to pay zakat to the people whom they have already known rather than to the existing formal zakat institutions. Third, there is a lack of good cooperation between zakat institutions owned by the government and the other institutions run by private parties. The result of this of this study may be useful to be used by all parties involved in zakat management so that it can be managed more optimal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Anung Priambodo

Abstract: Indonesia's biodiversity and all the other potentials that are fairly abundant must be utilized to improve the welfare of the people. One mechanism that is expected to be able transform potential into aktus is education. Through the Ministry of National Education, the government sought the implementation level of the education curriculum (SBC) to connect the implementation of local excellence as part of the curriculum in school. Local advantages can be put in the subjects of local content (Muatan lokal) or integrated with other subjects. It is expected that learners can identify and develop potential advantages in the area to be objects that benefit for society. Keywords: revitalization, local advantages, and KTSP


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Moch. Marsa Taufiqurrohman

Artikel ini berupaya meninjau kembali praktik koalisi partai politik di tengah sistem presidensial pasca reformasi, dan menilai sejauh mana dampaknya terhadap kestabilan pemerintahan. Pasca reformasi 1998, sejumlah besar partai politik telah didirikan, menunjukkan bahwa munculnya fragmentasi politik adalah sesuatu yang tidak terhindarkan. Alih-alih melaksanakan pemerintahan secara sehat, partai politik membentuk koalisi untuk memperkuat kedudukan mereka di parlemen. Implikasi penerapan multi partai dalam sistem presidensial ini seringkali menimbulkan deadlock antara eksekutif dan legislatif. Sistem presidensial yang dikombinasikan dengan sistem multi partai dapat menjadi sistem yang stabil dan efektif dengan cara penyederhanaan partai politik, desain pelembagaan koalisi, dan pengaturan pelembagaan oposisi. Namun di sisi lain koalisi juga menjadi sangat berpengaruh pada stabilitas pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, artikel ini bertujuan untuk meneliti politik hukum terkait praktik koalisi partai politik di Indonesia dan mengetahui upaya-upaya dalam praktik ketatanegaraan yang dapat merealisasikan stabilitas sistem pemerintahan presidensial pada koalisi di multi partai. Artikel ini menemukan kesimpulan bahwa model pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat justru menjadi penyebab disharmonisasi antara legislatif dan eksekutif yang mengarah kepada terjadinya kebuntuan antar kedua lembaga tersebut. Lebih-lebih apabila yang menguasai lembaga ekesekutif dan lembaga legislatif adalah dari latar belakang partai politik yang berbeda. Akibatnya, praktik koalisi seperti ini cenderung mengakibatkan lebih banyak masalah, sehingga penerapan sistem ini memiliki dampak signifikan terhadap demokrasi yang didefinisikan dan dinegosiasikan. This article attempts to review the practice of coalitions of political parties in the post-reform presidential system and assess the extent of their impact on the stability of the government. Post-1998 reform, a large number of political parties have been established, suggesting that the emergence of political fragmentation is inevitable. Instead of implementing a healthy government, political parties formed coalitions to strengthen their positions in parliament. The implication of implementing multi-party in the presidential system often creates deadlocks between the executive and the legislature. A presidential system combined with a multi-party system can become a stable and effective system by simplifying political parties, designing institutionalized coalitions, and organizing opposition institutions. But on the other hand, the coalition has also greatly influenced the stability of the government. By using normative juridical research methods, this article aims to examine legal politics related to the practice of political party coalitions in Indonesia and to find out the efforts in state administration practices that can realize the stability of the presidential system of government in multi-party coalitions. This article finds the conclusion that the legislative and executive election models directly elected by the people are the cause of disharmony between the legislature and the executive which leads to a deadlock between the two institutions. This is even more so if those who control the executive and legislative bodies are from different political party backgrounds. As a result, coalition practices like this are likely to cause more problems, so the adoption of these systems has a significant impact on defined and negotiated democracy.


Author(s):  
Aloysius Wisnubroto ◽  
Johanes Widijantoro

Objective - This research was aimed at firstly, uncovering how people in Mount Merapi meet their daily needs without government aids and secondly, finding the solutions to narrow the gap between regulations and the implementation of the people's ECOSOC rights. Methodology/Technique - The research conducted in 2012 showed that based on local wisdom values, hundreds of households rejected the government's policy related to the relocation. The policy was issued by the government for disaster risk reduction. Their villages were categorized as disaster-prone areas and banned to be inhabited. Because of their refusal, as a consequence, they did not receive any government aids. Findings - On one hand, the government is constitutionally required to protect and fulfil its citizens' ECOSOC rights; but, on the other hand, the government may not provide aid due to the existence of regulation prohibiting people living in disaster-prone areas. As a result, people rely on social capital and local wisdom to fulfil their daily needs, and to narrow the gap, the government should implement the concept of living in harmony with disaster. Based on the discussion in the previous sections, it can be concluded as follows: First, regulation and its implementation, which were based on positivism doctrine, had led the government to not fulfilling the ECOSOC rights of the people who rejected to be relocated. Novelty - The research suggests strategies for improving ECOSOC rights Type of Paper: Review Keywords: Disaster; Government Policy; ECOSOC Rights; Mount Merapi. JEL Classification: Q51, Q54, Q58.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Deni Umbara ◽  
Jum Hermanto ◽  
Franky Ariyadi

The Omnibus Law was first echoed during the inauguration of the President of theRepublic of Indonesia to be precise, on October 20, 2019. Omnibus Law is a legalconcept that will simplify a regulation. All the considerations are causedby too manyrules that have stagnated the economic growth experienced by this nation. With themany regulations, the president felt the need to take steps forward to minimize theseregulations. Acode was created that could back up all rules, namely the presence of theOmnibus Law Bill, which later the bill became a law called the Omnibus Law.Peoplewho reject and feel uneasy about the presence of the Omnibus Law Bill think that thisbill will only prioritize outside investment, making it a red carpet for foreign investors,the investment will only be enjoyed by the elite and a handful of people, which does notlead to job creation which will have an impact on improving people's welfare, makingworkers like production machines, loss of minimum wages, reducing overtime workinghours, and many other articles that castrate their own people. With the presence of thisbill, it will make this nation even more backward from democracy. The government andthe DPR should have drafted this law to protect and voice the voices of the peopleaffected by the regulations, not the other way around. Therefore, the people who are against it assess that the presence of this bill will legitimize investments that destroy the environment, ignore the assets of the people and indigenous peoples. The drafting ofthis bill was carried out behind closed doors without the participation of civil societyand recycled unconstitutional articles of centralization of authority that hurt the spiritof reform.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-116
Author(s):  
Andre Avila ◽  
Rita Herlina

The existence of volunteers helping the government convey appropriate information to the public either through social media or plunging directly into the field of conducting public communication is the background of this research, with the theme of the Existence of the Volunteers of the Indonesian Humanitarian Committee in Delivering Information on Prevention and Handling Covid-19. This study aims to describe the motivation of volunteers, volunteer activities in the field and forms of volunteer messages on social media. The methodology of this research is descriptive qualitative. Data collection techniques are by interview and document analysis. The results of this study indicate the existence of Indonesian Humanitarian Committee volunteers as the frontline in conveying information on prevention and handling of Covid-19 to the people of South Tangerang, motivated by caring for others as an effort to remind the importance of prevention and handling of Covid 19, in volunteer activities in the field, namely distributing flyers about prevention and handling of Covid-19 through food and food distribution programs, while the form of messages on social media about prevention and handling of Covid-19 is mostly done through Facebook, Instagram, website media, with various messages in the form of articles, photos, status, and messages the other.


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