scholarly journals Political and constitutional-legal transformations in Central Asia countries (1991–2021).

Author(s):  
Oleksiy Khalapsis ◽  
Oleh Poplavskyi ◽  
Oleh Levin

The aim of the article is to determine the specifics of political processes related to decommunization in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan), to study the variability of the main vectors of post-Soviet transformations of the respective societies. Reforms in Kazakhstan could theoretically pave the way for civil society, but so far they are more of an imitation. Uzbekistan is distinguished by the state's struggle against Islamic fundamentalism, which gave rise to Islam Karimov to pursue a tough internal policy. Democratization shifts after his death, but the prospects and irreversibility of these reforms are now highly questionable. Kyrgyzstan is the only society in which civil protest has real force, but the presence of clan-patriarchal system, ethnic conflicts, the tendency to use force and the weakness of the central government do not allow building a civil society in this country. Turkmenistan is characterized by boundless authoritarianism, and Tajikistan is the only country that has survived a fierce civil war in which the Islamic religion is most powerful. Each of the five Central Asian states has its own unique characteristics, but none of them has built a civil and democratic society, and the transformation cause of political regimes into democracies remains at the level of rhetoric. In these countries, political alterations have affected mainly the area of institutions, without changing the semi-feudal procedures and practices, and the process of democratization itself has been limited to pseudo-reforms. Civilizational and local-cultural features make the values of civil society unattractive not only for political elites, but also for the majority of the population, thus in the near future we can hardly expect significant progress in this direction. Moreover, Central Asian countries are under the influence of three powerful regional leaders –Russia, China and Iran – whose cultural and historical values are far from Western liberal-democratic ones. The situation is further complicated by the factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which will almost certainly intensify after the Taliban's victory in Afghanistan.

2021 ◽  

On the 30th anniversary of the dissolution of the USSR, this book collects selected contributions which analyse patterns of stability and transformation that characterise the politics and societies of three Central Asian countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan—along with those of Central Asia as a region. In particular, this edited volume investigates gender equality discourses in Uzbekistan, the electoral rights of people with disabilities in Kyrgyzstan, neo-realism in the regional context of Central Asia, the role of Islam in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan as a provider of international security as well as the EU’s support of civil society and social capital in Kazakhstan. With contributions by Nora Becker, Dr. Shalva Dzebisashvili, Aziz Elmuradov, Prof. Dr. Matthias Kortmann, Dr. Aliia Maralbaeva, Laura Karoline Nette, Dr. Chiara Pierobon and Dr. Steve Schlegel.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Sanjar Saidov ◽  

Today socio-political processes in the world pose a number of urgent problems for the region and countries. Along with governments, civil society is also actively involved in many issues, including security, poverty prevention, countering global threats, climate change and solving environmental problems, as well as ensuring democracy and the rule of law. As states participate in mutual political cooperation and integration, civil society will also expand its participation in these processes based on the principle of social partnership. In this context, a truly civil society plays an important role in the process of cooperation, including the integration of the Central Asian region.This scientific article analyzes the results of a sociological survey conducted among scientists and researchers working in all countries of the region, on the topic "The role and participation of civil society in the context of Central Asian integration


Author(s):  
J. J. Komlyakova

During the existence of theSoviet Unionthe influence of Islam on politics was minimized. In Soviet times, Islam in the Central Asian republics felt some oppression until the late 1950s. It was due to constant persecution and anti-religious propaganda within the framework of the Soviet policy of atheism. After Khrushchev's thaw there began a reverse process of gradual release of Islam from the underground, which culminated in the era of perestroika and glasnost. The weakening of the central government and the struggle of the foreign forces against theUSSRinstigated the development of radical Islamism in the region. This period was characterized by the revival, politicization and radicalization of Islam. 


Author(s):  
Nurbibi Kh. Khudaiberdieva

The paper analyzes the attitude of Turkey to the policy of neutrality of Turkmenistan in the period from 1995 to 2016. Based on the geopolitical situation in the Central Asian region in the post-Soviet period, the author identifies the reasons for Turkmenistan’s adoption of a neutral status. Among the reasons for this decision by the Turkmen leadership are the deterioration of the situation in the region, the desire of the great powers and regional leaders to strengthen their positions in Central Asia, including in the energy sector, Turkey’s active position in the post-Soviet period aimed at developing political, energy, and humanitarian contacts, and the desire of The Niyazov regime to limit external influence on the country’s internal and foreign policy. The author noted the influence of the status of neutrality on the implementation of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy and the attitude of Turkey to this process. In the development of Turkmenistan’s neutrality policy in 1995–2016, two stages can be conditionally distinguished: the first is 1995–2006 when the policy of neutrality bordering on isolationism, which seriously limited Turkey’s contacts with Turkmenistan; the second is 2007–2016 when the expansion of cooperation between Turkmenistan and Turkey, including in the security sphere. In the 2007–2016 Turkey sought to expand its geopolitical influence over Turkmenistan by maintaining its neutrality, which led to the formation of a close political and economic dialogue between Ankara and Ashgabat.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Kreikemeyer

How do the CSTO, SCO, EU and OSCE contribute to stability and peace in Central Asia? Power in the Central Asian states is patrimonial in nature. This leads to corruption and interlinkages can be identified between the state and various conflict factors, including the drug trade, ethnic conflicts, and Islamist extremism. The corrupt regimes seek above all to maintain their power and control of resources. This makes life hard for international organizations, whose contributions to security and peace are examined in turn.


1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-78
Author(s):  
Natalia Sadomskaya

Now Iam not concerned with definitions. Instead I would like to discuss very briefly the appearance of three organizations in Central Asia that are independent of the state. Everyone knows about the popular fronts in the Baltics; everyone has heard presentations about Ukraine, Belorussia, and Moldavia. I decided, therefore, to take the “hopeless” people, about whom one Soviet diplomat said two years ago: “They are not ready yet for democracy because they have jumped from the feudal system to the socialist system, avoiding your wonderful capitalistic stage when you created democratic institutions.” I want to demonstrate that democratic institutions were indeed created independently from the state in these Central Asian republics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-119
Author(s):  
Christoph Schuck ◽  
Andreas Vasilache

Abstract Since the national independence of the Central Asian countries in the early 1990s, there has been a tension between stability- and transformation-oriented rationalities, goals, and policies. However, the concurrent missions of political stability and societal transformation indicate a clear distinction between state and society. This idea of separating state and society is particularly strong with regard to security issues, but this strict separation is likely to produce contradictory goals and to have dysfunctional consequences, since it prevents the political system from benefitting from the contribution that civil society can make to addressing political and social challenges. Therefore, in this article—which also serves as an introduction to the special issue—we argue that it is necessary to bridge the discourses on security and civil society, with a particular focus on Central Asia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-76
Author(s):  
Enayatollah Yazdani

Under the Soviet Union rule, Central Asia was a closed region with no access to the outside world. Both internal and external affairs in the region was directed by the central government in Moscow. When the Central Asian republics became dependence in 1991, the situation changed.Yet, in the new era Central Asia has faced many problems and challenges. This paper aims to explore how Central Asia’s internal dynamics have influenced its external relations? The paper concludes that the region’s external relations have been greatly affected by its internal dynamics. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-128
Author(s):  
A. M. Akhunov

The coronavirus pandemic has a significant impact on socio-economic and political processes in Central Asia. The political specifics of the countries in the region affected the methods and approaches taken by the authorities of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan to prevent the spread of infection. The article compares these approaches: from declaring a state of emergency and ordering a curfew to suppressing information about the spread of the epidemic. The impact of the pandemic on the relations of the Central Asian countries with Russia and the prospects for the development of Eurasian integration projects is also considered.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Olga TIMAKOVA

The Soviet Union has disappeared from the maps of the world, leaving the EU a chance to participate in the political processes unfolding in Central Asia, even if the vast spaces between them limited Brussels’ involvement in regional policies. This explains the European Commission’s succinct definition: “a bridge to China, as well as to Afghanistan and the Middle East” and “a source of significant energy imports for the EU.” For the same reason, Central Asia remains outside the European neighborhood policy; in defiance of the Treaty of Lisbon, its members prefer to act independently on the international arena: their interest in Central Asia and, therefore, their contributions to the common EU policy in the region differ vastly. Following the signing of partnership and cooperation agreements with the Central Asian states, the EU became one of their important trade partners and key investors. As such, Brussels pays particular attention to democracy, human rights and civil society in all the regional countries and cooperates with them in the security sphere. Destabilization in Afghanistan has forced border security issues into the focus of corresponding programs and initiatives realized by the EU. Their growing dependence on external sources of energy and an absence of guaranteed supplies stir up concerns in the EU member-states and in Brussels and breed hopes that Central Asia, with its considerable hydrocarbon resources and advantageous geographic location, may play an important role in energy supplies. So far, EU policy in Central Asia leaves much to be desired, while the results of the projects it had initiated in the region are clearly contradictory. Brussels has achieved a lot in diplomatic relations with the local states, which allowed it to expand its trade and economic cooperation and develop political coordination. However, its achievements in many other spheres (human rights, counteracting corruption and economic diversification) are not particularly impressive. The worsening situation in Afghanistan will generate migration flows to the Central Asian countries and the European Union. Another migration crisis cannot be ruled out.


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