scholarly journals Prognostic function of audiovisual media in the analyses of international political communication

Author(s):  
Mykola Yeriomyn

The article dwells upon the original research on the subject of analyses of aspects of international political communication employing the prognostic function of audiovisual media. Shown is certain, lesser-studied effectiveness of creative approaches and «artistic filter» in the field of international political studies. Underlined are the problems and advantages of the use of narrative fiction audiovisual works as additional empirical sources in the research of international political processes.

The chapter dwells upon the original research on the subject of analyses of aspects of international political communication employing the prognostic function of audiovisual media. Shown is certain, lesser-studied effectiveness of creative approaches and “artistic filter” in the field of political science. The author considers the problems and stresses on advantages of the use of narrative fiction audiovisual works as additional empirical sources in the research of international political communication.


The chapter dwells on the need of studying of universality of certain components of audiovisual media (especially movies) as a cause and possible instrument of international political communication. Emphasized is the low level of research of that very problem in the context of political studies, which ensures certain difficulties in formulating political components of the international political communication evident in case of movies. On an example of Movies in Politics by J. Rosenbaum it is shown why film criticism has a poor connection with political science. Examples of such an influence are presented in the chapter both through historical discourse and more specific cases. Proposed is the string of concept terms among which a universal code of movies – a certain informational component of audiovisual productions, understandable without its textual basis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 134-140
Author(s):  
MAKSIM SHKVARUN ◽  
◽  
SEJRAN ISKENDEROV

The subject of the research is the degree of influence of Sunni and Shi’ism on political processes in Arab countries. The object of the research is Islam as the legal basis of the state. The authors examine in detail such aspects of the topic as the historical analysis of the origin of Islam, the reasons for the division of Islam into Sunnis and Shiites, a comparative analysis of the two branches of Islam, the peculiarities of the legal schools of Islam, the interaction of Sunnis and Shiites with state power. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of interpretations (kalams) of the Qur’an and Sunnah. The study is fundamental and is aimed at the historical and political analysis of Islam in the XXI century. The relevance of this topic is confirmed by numerous studies of the described problems. The main conclusions of the study are that one of the key problems in the Arab states is the issue of the origin of power, which remains relevant even in the XXI century. The authors’ special contribution to the study of the topic is the hypothesis that the radicalism of Islam is associated with its short history in comparison with Christianity. Thus, Islam in the XXI century. is still at an active stage of formation, which leads to the emergence of Islamic terrorist organizations. The novelty of this scientific study lies in the consideration of historical processes in the political discourse of the XXI century.


Author(s):  
D. Naranova

To consider the main directions and extent of influence of ethical groups on political processes in the Republic of Kalmykia.The authors analyzed scientific research on the ethnic identity of the Kalmyk people, as well as media materials and statistical data on the cause and effect of the influence of ethnic groups on regional policy. Seven key areas of influence of the Kalmyks, as a titular nation, on political processes in the region, including through the formation of an ethnic majority among senior positions in the authorities of the subject of the Russian Federation, were identified. The theoretical significance of the study is due to the complex systematization of facts about the influence of the ethnodominating nation of the Republic of Kalmykia on political processes in the region. The practical significance is expressed in the proposal of specific recommendations for partial stabilization of the situation in the Republic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioanida Costache

Drawing on theories of identity postulated by cultural theorists, scholars of gender identity, and critical race theorists, I explore issues of identity politics and “Otherness” as they pertain to Romani identity, history and activism. By critiquing the latent bifurcation of identity and subjectivity in Judith Butler’s theory of performativity as well as her explicit adherence to universalism, I begin to outline a (post-Hegelian) hermeneutic in which narratives of self enable political processes of self-determination against symbolic and epistemic systems of racialization and minoritization.[1] Roma identity both serves as an oppressive social category while at the same time empowering people for whom a shared ethnic group provides a sense of solidarity and community. In re-conceptualizing, reimagining and re-claiming Romani-ness, we can make movements towards outlining a new Romani subjectivity – a subjectivity that is firmly rooted in counterhistories of Roma, with porous boundaries that both celebrate our diversity and foster solidarity. I come to the subject of Romani identity from an understanding that our racialized and gendered identities are both performed and embodied – forming part of the horizon from which we make meaning of the world. I wish to recast the discourse surrounding Romani identity as hybridized and multicultural, as well as, following Glissant, embedded into a pluritopic notion of history.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 746-766
Author(s):  
Vladimir I. Ozymenko ◽  
Tatiana V. Larina

The impact of mass media on individuals and society is to a great extent based on emotions. We concentrate on fear as it is one of the basic emotions triggered by risk and threat, which is claimed to play a key role in the twenty-first century consciousness (Furedi 20018). The study focuses on the emotionalisation of fear in contemporary media discourse about Russia, more specifically, on constructions of Russian threat and fear of Russia in Anglo-American media texts to highlight pragmatic effects and to speculate on possible purposes of such discourses. The study aims to explore the functioning of the lexemes threat and fear , in textual contexts with the focus on their pragma-discursive characteristics. It identifies the mechanisms as well as linguistic tools involved in media strategies of scare-mongering. The dataset was derived from quality British and American newspapers in the period 2018-2020, and was analysed drawing on an interdisciplinary approach combining critical discourse analysis, pragmatics, medialinguistics, psycholinguistics and the theory of proximisation. The paper argues that appealing to emotions as well as constructing emotions is aimed at enhancing the persuasive function of media and fulfilling their own agenda. The persistent use of the words threat and fear in relation to Russia as well as the obsessive discussion of this topic in media aim to shape a certain negative public opinion of Russia among readerships. The findings show that to achieve this goal different strategies and linguistic tools are used including: exaggeration, repetition, proximisation, interrogative headlines, presupposition, among others. The results go beyond linguistics, and may find implementation in political studies, since they provide researchers with tools for understanding contemporary social and political processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Ayşe Aslı Sezgin

“Social network sites” first began to be used as new tools of political communication during the 2008 Presidential Election in the United States, and their importance became even more apparent during the Arab Spring. In the course of this, the social network sites became a new and widely discussed channel of communication. In addition to its ability to bring together people from different parts of the world by removing any time and space barriers, creates a virtual network that allows individuals with shared social values to take action in an organized manner. Furthermore, this novel, versatile and multi-faceted tool of political communication has also provided a new mean for observing various aspects of social reactions to political events. Instead of voters expressing their political views through their votes from one election to the other, we nowadays have voters who actively take part in political processes by instantly demonstrating their reactions and by directly communicating their criticisms online.


Author(s):  
Vinicius Mitchell ◽  
Luiza Novaes

In July 2020, a group of illustrators were contacted so we could hear if their views on remote work and professional collaboration had changed, in light of the covid-19 pandemic scenario. These illustrators participated in a previous research conducted with Brazilian newspaper illustrators between 2016-2018. The main research objective was to understand how illustrators were fitting in newspaper's routines and production, considering the multiplatform publishing trend led by the rise in mobile and digital readership. As it was observed then, illustrators were already used to working remotely. The investigation focused in assessing how these professionals viewed the pros and cons of face-to-face working way compared to working remotely. Also their views on the interaction with other fields’ professionals, in projects involving Illustration & Design were considered. Illustrators of Brazilian newspapers answered a query and an interview with open questions. Although the original research had not been motivated by a pandemic scene, we believe that by renewing the subject with new data collected in 2020, the study can contribute to the ongoing broader discussions over reorganizing workflows for remote work, especially those involving designers and projects with multidisciplinary teams. This paper aims at presenting and discussing qualitative data regarding these issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Budi Rizka ◽  
Lismalinda ◽  
Adnan ◽  
Moriyanti ◽  
Faisal

Purpose of the study: The study aims are to investigate levels of language politeness and its violations in the political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo and to describe the types of politeness and its violations in political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo as Indonesian president candidates in 2019. Methodology: This research was used a qualitative approach with the descriptive method by paying attention to the Interactive Model theory to describe the object in analysis data through a pragmatic approach to identify the politeness principles and its violation following Leech’s (1983) theory. The subject of data on this research has conducted the utterances of Indonesian president candidates 2019 in the second debate session. Main Findings: The result of the study can be concluded that five principles of politeness seen in the utterances of the presidential candidate. They are tact, approbation, modesty, agreement, and sympathy maxim. Furthermore, in this research, Prabowo was more polite than Jokowi where he has produced utterances of approbation, agreement, and less violation of modesty, while Jokowi more violated the modesty maxim. Applications of this study: The study has an impact on political behavior. Other areas of study include social and political science and communication Novelty/Originality of this study: This research is the new way in the context of language politeness study where combined the language politeness principles with socio-political science especially political communication.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Cooper ◽  
Charlotte Jones

PurposeThis paper explores the dissonance between co-production and expectations of impact in a research project on student loneliness over the 2019/2020 academic year. Specific characteristics of the project – the subject matter, interpolation of a global respiratory pandemic, informal systems of care that arose among students and role of the university in providing the context and funding for the research – brought co-production into heightened tension with the instrumentalisation of project outputs.Design/methodology/approachThe project consisted of a series of workshops, research meetings and mixed-methods online journalling between 2019 and 2020. This paper is primarily a critical reflection on that research, based on observations by and conversations between the authors, together with discourse analysis of research data.FindingsThe authors argue that co-producing research with students on university contexts elevates existing tensions between co-production and institutional valuations of impact, that co-production with students who had experienced loneliness made necessary space for otherwise absent support and care, that the responsibility to advocate for evidence and co-researchers came into friction with how the university felt the research could be useful and that each of these converging considerations are interconnected symptoms of the ongoing marketisation of HE.Originality/valueThis paper provides a novel analysis of co-production, impact and higher education in the context of an original research project with specific challenges and constraints. It is a valuable contribution to methodological literatures on co-production, multidisciplinary research into student loneliness and reflexive work on the difficult uses of evidence in university contexts.


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