scholarly journals Moskau: Das politische Regime der russischen Hauptstadt

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (109) ◽  
pp. 591-618
Author(s):  
Michael Brie

The analyses of the post-Soviet political transformation are dominated by a comparison of the actual processes occurring in the East European countries with highly normative and often ahistorical models of democracy. Specific historical legacies, incompetent or pro-Communist actors, and the lack of sufficient help from the West were made responsible for the observed deviations from the ideal. The concept used in this paper is that of a realistic model of urban machines as a specific local political regime which can be found under very divergent circumstances of rapid social change. lt is a regime where a political organization under conditions ofuniversal (at least male) suffrage is able to control the 'input' and 'output' dimensions of a local political system over a longer period of time. Its most important feature is a system of mass patronage which is the key instrument used in forming a winning coalition. This concept is applied to post-Soviel Moscow, analyzing the institutional and cultural environment and the political and economic formations.

Author(s):  
Catalina Balmaceda

The political transformation that took place at the end of the Roman Republic was a particularly rich area for historical analysis. The crisis that saw the end of the Roman Republic and the changes which gave birth to a new political system were narrated by major Roman historians who took the Roman idea of virtus as a way of interpreting and understanding their history. Tracing how virtus informed Roman thought over time, the book explores the concept and its manifestations in the narratives of four successive Latin historians who span the late republic and early principate: Sallust, Livy, Velleius, and Tacitus. Balmaceda demonstrates that the concept of virtus in these historical narratives served as a form of self-definition which fostered and propagated a new model of the ideal Roman more fitting to imperial times. As a crucial moral and political concept, virtus worked as a key idea in the complex system of Roman socio-cultural values and norms which underpinned Roman attitudes about both present and past. This book offers a re-appraisal of the historians as promoters of change and continuity in the political culture of both the Republic and the Empire.


2018 ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Fedorowicz

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.


1967 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Easton ◽  
Jack Dennis

In its broadest conception, a political system is a means through which the wants of the members of a society are converted into binding decisions. To sustain a conversion process of this sort a society must provide a relatively stable context for political interaction, a set of ground rules for participating in all parts of the political process. We may describe this context variously as a constitutional order, a set of fundamental rules, or customary procedures for settling differences. But however this context is defined, it usually includes three elements: some minimal constraints on the general goals of its members, rules or norms governing behavior, and structures of authority through which the members of the system act in making and implementing political outputs. To these goals, norms and structures we may give the traditional name “political regime” or constitutional order in the broadest, nonlegal sense of the phrase.We may hypothesize that if a political system is to persist, one of its major tasks is to provide for the input of at least a minimal level of support for a regime of some kind. A political system that proved unable to sustain a regime, that is, some relatively ordered and stable way of converting inputs into outputs, could not avoid collapsing. Each time a dispute arose it would have to seek to agree on means for settling differences at the same time as it sought to bring about a settlement of the substance of the issue, a virtually impossible combination of tasks for a society to engage in continuously.


1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Krader

During the first millenium A.D. a series of states were formed by Turkic and Mongol peoples, the nomadic pastoralists of the Asian steppes - the Tatars of European and Chinese record. These political enterprises enlarged their scope and power during the period of a millenium, reaching a climax in the empire of Chingis Khan in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; from this climactic achievement they have since declined. The social and political organization as well as the economy of these peoples are at once simple and complex, primitive and advanced. The characterization of this cultural world has been given focus in a sharp controversy, the controversy over the establishment and internal ordering of the political system.


Author(s):  
Heng Zhou ◽  
Guanglong Wang

In comparison with other crimes, the political system has had and still has a great infl uence on the essence and legal registration of crimes against electoral rights. After the 20s of the XX century, the protection of electoral rights by criminal law in China can be divided into two periods: 1) in the conditions of the same political regime-until the end of the 80s and 2) in the conditions of different political regimes-from the end of the 80s to the present. In the fi rst period, the institution of protection of electoral rights by the criminal law of China was borrowed from Soviet Russia. In the second period after the adoption of the Criminal Code (1997), Article 256 has not yet undergone any changes. Currently, there is no incentive in China to change and improve the electoral and criminal laws.


Author(s):  
Tri Samnuzulsari ◽  
Edison Edison ◽  
Wayu Eko Yudiatmaja

The primary aim of this study is to investigate the political transformation of the coffee shops in Kepulauan Riau before local leaders election. It is drived by the empirical facts that many coffee shops have transformed to be supporter of one of the candidates of local head government. By using grounded theory and thematic analysis, this study answers the critical questions of why the coffee shops change and what the factors affecting the transformation. A series of interview were conducted on a dozen of informants, consisted of political parties, campaign and success teams of the candidates, Local General Elections Commission (KPUD), Local Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), the owners and the visitors of the coffee shop. Evidence of this study points out that the transformation of the coffee shops is the consequences of both political system and political structure in Indonesia. The empirical findings of this study are not only worthwile to the study of public sphere in the context of Indonesian local political setting but also to the practicioners in designing the truthful and fair local general election.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sabri ◽  
Meirison Meirison ◽  
Jhoni Warmansyah

This article discusses continuities and changes of educational institutions during the political transition from the Seljuq dynasty to the Ottoman sultanate. It diachronically examines elements of education which were transformed and adapted into a new political structure under the political regime, the Ottoman. This article will closely look at institutional transformation and educational curricula as to which the changing political regime affected contents and management of Islamic education. This article further argues that the political transformation from the Seljuq to the Ottoman had generated a new educational system in which the Ottoman imposed the attempts to integrate Islam and modern sciences. At managerial level, the transformation has also invited the introduction of science in Islamic educational system. Western educational system reserved as an important reference for this transformation amid the changing regime from the Seljuq to the Ottoman.


Author(s):  
N. Koroma

In the second half of the twentieth century, the new generation of political geographers significantly expanded the field of scientific research in studies of the political sphere changing the discourse of political geography. One of the major territorial systems is the territorial and political system (TPS) – the object of political geography, as the direction of human geography. The territorial and political system – is the result of functioning in a particular territory objectively linked elements of political activity. The appearance in the political geography term of “the territorial and political system” has expanded the field of political and geographical researches and gave the opportunity to study the problems territorial-political organization at different hierarchical levels of the world system. The purpose of this work is to formulate the basic research approaches for investigation the territorial and political systems (TPS) on different levels to develop schemes of their politico-geographical analysis. The research solves a series of new tasks that have a theoretical and methodological importance: interpretation the system of concepts forms the modern field of politico-geographical research TPS on different hierarchical levels and helps to build the scheme of systemic politico-geographical analysis. Practical implementation of the scheme systemic politico-geographical analysis will allow to fully studying problems of territorial and political organization of society, to carry out highly specialized research of individual elements of TPS or to analyze the territory in terms of a key (main) issue. Substantiated key positions for building the scheme of systemic politico-geographical analysis have to take into account modern challenges in society. Methodology. Using the methods of system analysis and synthesis, inductive-deductive proof, abstraction and logical constructs provide the systemic research. It was analyzed a great massive of scientific and journalistic materials on the politico-geographical and geopolitical studies.


Author(s):  
Gunārs Ozolzīle

A democratic political system can be sustainable and stable only if it has society’s support that is based on legitimacy. So far, the attention of Latvian researchers has mostly been devoted to the so-called “ratings” of separate political institutions and politicians, but no attempt has been undertaken to investigate the political system as a whole through the prism of legitimacy. The aim of the present article is to explore whether there is a sufficient resource of legitimacy of the Latvian political system in order to provide stability and efficiency of the regime. The empirical basis of the research mostly consists of the results of the sociological research conducted in Latvia during the past six years (2011–2016). The data analysis of the present research is based on David Easton and Pippa Norris’ conceptual approach to the study of legitimacy of political systems. One of the conclusions that can be made is that the political system of Latvia is characterised by insufficient diffuse support, which then indicates that the political system experiences the problem of legitimacy. As there is a divided society in Latvia, both communities lack a shared national identity, which could connect the society. In addition, it can be stated that around half of the society is not satisfied with the functioning of the political regime. The analysis performed in the article allows concluding that the trust in political institutions is extremely low and the assessment of the political authority performance is highly negative.


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