Deadlock of integrations struggle in europe (analytical report)

2014 ◽  
pp. 4-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Vinokurov ◽  
S. Kulik ◽  
A. Spartak ◽  
I. Yurgens

The report prepared for the Civil Initiatives Committee critically analyzes the EU “Eastern Partnership” project, its negative consequences for economic cooperation and partner relations in Big Europe. The study is based on expert assessments of financial and economic consequences of the current crisis in Ukraine, estimates of probable losses of the two most active members of “Eastern Partnership” - Ukraine and Moldova. The conclusion is made that it is expedient to establish a new basis for cooperation in Europe in order to end the Ukrainian crisis and overcome the “continental divide” in the region. The optimal decision will be reaching comprehensive agreements in the triangle EU-“Eastern Partnership” countries (first of all Ukraine)-Eurasian Economic Union with the perspective of signing all-embracing integration documents with the participation of all interested parties on the space from Lisbon to Vladivostok.

Author(s):  
O. Krasivskyi ◽  
P. Petrovskyi

Problem setting. The coronavirus pandemic has spread across the planet, not only affecting the health of the population and the world’s medical system but also disrupting the global information space, economy and all other spheres of human life. Both domestic and foreign policies of states are changing. Success in overcoming the pandemic and its economic consequences is affecting security and polarization within societies. The pandemic leads to enhancing public power and strengthening nationalism, the intensification of rivalry between great powers, and strategic disunity. In this context, the paper objective is to consider authoritarian and democratic approaches to solving the problems of the current crisis. Recent research and publications analysis. The general scientific and scientific-journalistic literature has not yet created a generalized work on the socio-economic and political consequences caused by the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, some views caused by global crises are noted in the studies of J. Vynokurov, L. Kolinets, O. Nevmerzhytska, A. Petryk, and others. Ukrainian and foreign philosophers, political scientists, publicists A. Baumaster, O. Koval, R. Sushchenko, S. Walt, V. Katasonov, K. Mahbubani, J. Nai, Y. N. Harari expressed their reflections on the future development of the world after the pandemic. The famous American thinker F. Fukuyama notes that after a long crisis, the world will eventually be renewed and democracy will be strengthened.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The history of mankind is inseparable from the accompanying constant crises that have shaken societies and states. The peculiarity of modern crises is their unpredictability and globality. Due to the lack of effective crisis prevention mechanisms, inefficient functioning of international financial institutions, the presence of mass financial speculation and the virtualization of the world economy, favourable conditions are created for the spread and generation of crisis phenomena in the world. So far, there is no generally accepted view of the likely consequences of crises for the world’s economies, and thus unpredictable socio-political changes. Paper main body. The Covid-19 pandemic has become the world’s largest global crisis since the Great Depression. Its depth and scale are enormous. As a result, it is capable of surpassing the Great Recession of 2008 – 2009. Thus, only in the second quarter of 2020, the economy of the Eurozone countries fell by more than 12%. There is a record drop in GDP, world trade is declining. The pandemic is projected to increase poverty, with more than half of those in Africa. The peculiarity of the new crisis is not only that it creates unprecedented uncertainty, but also that it destroys entire sectors of the economy, including tourism, transport and even energy.The Coronavirus pandemic can cause significant changes not only in the economic but also in the political, social and cultural spheres. A protracted epidemic, combined with huge job losses, a protracted recession and a debt burden, could create tensions that will escalate into a political reaction. Nationalism, isolationism, xenophobia and attacks on the liberal world order may intensify. As the COVID-19 crisis spreads, it discredits traditional politics and public institutions, which are perceived by the general public as a systemic failure, and democracy is replaced by populism and the rhetoric of radicalism.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The crisis of the coronavirus has a significant impact on all spheres of society, causing negative consequences in the economy, health care and socio-political relations. There are growing populism, nationalism and authoritarianism, which increases the likelihood of social and international conflicts. That is why it became topical to defend the opposite concepts of further development of political systems of societies - to join forces to overcome the common threat, international cooperation, exchange of information, support for democratic values.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Sergejs Stacenko ◽  
Biruta Sloka

AbstractThe article will show major dimensions in the experience of EU Member States that could be shared with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. The framework of the study is the EU concept of trade unions in social dialogue and social partnership in the public sector. This study outlines the concept of social dialogue as a core element of industrial relations and will focus on industrial relations specifically in the public sector. The authors have elaborated the approach to industrial relations and social dialogue taking into account comparative approach to definitions provided by international institutions such as ILO and OECD, as well as institutions in the EU and Latvia. Latvia is also a case study for Eastern Partnership countries as these countries and their trade unions are in a transition period from socialist structures to structures that possess liberal economies. Trade unions in these countries are members of the International Trade Union Confederation. The major transformation that trade unions underwent from being part of the socialist system and becoming an independent institution since Latvia regained independence in 1991 has been studied. The paper discusses the current developments related to the position of Latvian Free Trade Union Federation in the system of decision-making process related to the public administration management. Finally, the prospective role of trade unions in the EU and in Latvia is analysed and possible revitalisation of trade union is discussed. This approach could be applied to the Eastern Partners of the EU.


Author(s):  
Zvezda Vankova

AbstractThis chapter brings together the EU and national instruments conducive to circular migration developed in Bulgaria and Poland and assesses their implementation against the backdrop of the study’s benchmarks concerning entry and re-entry conditions for migrant workers. In order to do that, the chapter first presents the national general admission frameworks and the specific instruments identified as favourable to circular migration; as a second step, it focuses on the implementation of EU instruments in the national laws of Bulgaria and Poland. This analysis is complemented by insights into the implementation dynamics of the EU and national instruments on the basis of data collected through focus groups with migrants from Ukraine and Russia as well as interviews conducted with stakeholders and data on permits retrieved from the national administrations of both countries. The chapter ends with an assessment of whether the instruments developed provide options for facilitated entry for migrants from the Eastern partnership countries and Russia, as well as for circulation-friendly policies – for instance, the possibility to grant priority to seasonal workers who have been employed in the territory of a Member State for a significant period over other workers who seek admission to that State.


Author(s):  
Tamar Makasarashvili ◽  
Tea Khorguashvili ◽  
Giuli Giguashvili ◽  
Aleksandre Sadagashvili

With the development of Internet technologies, cybercrime has also evolved and diversified. Much of the world's economic and business information comes from electronic information, and the need for remote work caused by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has further increased demand for e-services, which in turn has contributed to increased technology risks, threats, and incidents. The main task of the states is to actively fight against the negative socio-economic, financial, and political consequences caused by the growth of cybercrime. The main purpose of the study is to assess the negative consequences of cybercrime in Georgia, the main threats to information security, to develop recommendations for the prevention of cybercrime, to improve its legal regulation mechanisms. The fight against cybercrime in Georgia is carried out using criminal norms. The law "On Information Security" is in force in the country, Georgia's cyber security strategy has been developed, but this process needs constant development. The main task of the state is to gradually improve the legislation and bring it in line with modern technologies, to ensure close cooperation between the state and society, to raise the awareness of civil society. It is essential to constantly inform the public and companies about cyber threats, as effective prevention is the best form of crime prevention policy.


Author(s):  
Oleh Kozachuk ◽  
Grigore Vasilescu

The article examines the issues of counteracting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation in the countries of the Eastern Partnership. It is stated that European Union has been implementing the Eastern Partnership policy for more than ten years. This implementation has been a resounding success for all, without exception, the six target states. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia have advanced much more in their European aspirations. However, this does not stop the Russian Federation from further positioning all the states that were once part of the USSR as a sphere of its ultimate influence. Russia is also producing rivalry with the EU for influencing all, without exception, the Eastern Partnership states and even the EU. An overview of academic research analyzing the resilience of the EU in the face of Russia in the context of its impact on the Eastern Partnership countries is set out in this article. Some approaches have been used to define the EU as a “normative power” and Russia’s controversial policy towards neighbouring countries. The examination of the works described in the article concludes that the Russian Federation continues to regard neighbouring states as its sphere of influence, particularly Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Moscow considers any attempt by a third party to interfere as an intrusion on its unique field of power. As can be observed from the investigated sources, Russia’s activities are scarcely diplomatic or focused on global democratic norms. In its Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU, on the other hand, utilizes values as a guideline. Simultaneously, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, and Georgia must demand immediate modifications to the Eastern Partnership policy. The potential of EU membership, in particular, must be appropriately explained by Brussels.


Author(s):  
N. Bubnova

Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 767-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Linder ◽  
Ulf-G. Gerdtham ◽  
Nadja Trygg ◽  
Sara Fritzell ◽  
Sanjib Saha

Abstract Background Depression and anxiety are associated with adverse outcomes in educational achievements and economic performances. Moreover, the prevalence of these disorders is unequally distributed among different population subgroups. Our objective is to investigate whether the economic consequences of depression and anxiety differ between population subgroups of different gender, socioeconomic status (SES), ethnicity and age, in Europe. Methods A systematic scoping literature review was performed to identify studies where exposure to depression or anxiety was identified at baseline and consequences in education, sickness absence, disability pension, unemployment and income/earnings were measured at follow-up. Results Seventeen articles were included in this review and most of these were conducted in the Nordic countries. The consequences of depression and anxiety were stratified by gender in most of the articles. However, only in a few studies, the findings were stratified by SES, age and ethnicity. The negative consequences of depression in educational performance, disability pension and income are larger for men compared to women. Moreover, low SES individuals have more depression- and anxiety-related absence from work than high SES individuals. Conclusion Our findings imply that the economic consequences of depression differ between population subgroups in Europe. This could have an impact on social stratification, shifting people who experience mental ill-health to lower SES groups or reinforcing an already disadvantaged position. More research is needed on unequal economic consequences of depression and anxiety in different population subgroups in Europe.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document