scholarly journals Solidarity Cities in Germany and Switzerland: A Brief Overview of Initiatives

Author(s):  
Harald Bauder ◽  
Timo Weisser

Introduction Cities play a central role in the reception of migrants and refugees and their participation in the social and political life of the arrival society. While the nation state deliberately excludes many migrants and refugees through immigration and refugee policies and various visa, permit, and status categories (Bauder, 2013), cities often react with approaches of their own which enable migrants and refugees to belong to and participate in the urban community, independent of national status. Following such approaches, an increasing number of cities in the countries of the global north declare solidarity with excluded migrants and refugees (Ridgley, 2008; Darling & Bauder, 2019).

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harald Bauder ◽  
Timo Weisser

Introduction Cities play a central role in the reception of migrants and refugees and their participation in the social and political life of the arrival society. While the nation state deliberately excludes many migrants and refugees through immigration and refugee policies and various visa, permit, and status categories (Bauder, 2013), cities often react with approaches of their own which enable migrants and refugees to belong to and participate in the urban community, independent of national status. Following such approaches, an increasing number of cities in the countries of the global north declare solidarity with excluded migrants and refugees (Ridgley, 2008; Darling & Bauder, 2019).


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mladenovich ◽  
M. Miloshevich

Although the state still acts as the main unit of historical, political, cultural, and economic life, many powerful factors force it to gradually abandon some of its traditional features and give way to larger transnational institutions. This trend will certainly continue to develop in the future. However, it would be wrong to conclude that this process is a one-sided and unambiguous. In fact, sovereignty in many segments will decrease and disappear, but there are elements in which it will persist and even grow. It is therefore unjustifiable to rush to proclaim the national state's death. It will continue to be one of the leading actors, because, as some researchers point out, a sharp reduction in sovereignty and violation of the traditional functions of the state can easily lead to chaos. This study aims to analyze and to describe the position and prospects of the nation state in the context of globalization. In a significantly changed socio-political situation, the question of the fate of the main political life subject within each society cannot be omitted. Considering that the state is an extremely complex and changeable phenomenon, the methodological apparatus for its examination should be very broad. In this study, which fits into the political philosophy field of the social sciences, the systemic method was used as the main one (inspection of various connections and relations within the state and its relationship with the external environment), as well as comparative method (socio-economic, political, social, historical, and other situations in various regions of the world). To a certain extent, political and legal analyses were carried out when considering the position of a citizen-individual in a changing world. This is of utmost significance, as the acceptance (voluntarily or compulsorily) of someone else's experience and institutions requires a change in both political and general culture.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius

Muslim presence in Lithuania, though already addressed from many angles, has not hitherto been approached from either the perspective of the social contract theories or of the compliance with Muslim jurisprudence. The author argues that through choice of non-Muslim Grand Duchy of Lithuania as their adopted Motherland, Muslim Tatars effectively entered into a unique (yet, from the point of Hanafi fiqh, arguably Islamically valid) social contract with the non-Muslim state and society. The article follows the development of this social contract since its inception in the fourteenth century all the way into the nation-state of Lithuania that emerged in the beginning of the twentieth century and continues until the present. The epitome of the social contract under investigation is the official granting in 1995 to Muslim Tatars of a status of one of the nine traditional faiths in Lithuania with all the ensuing political, legal and social consequences for both the Muslim minority and the state.


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.


Author(s):  
Ruqaya Saeed Khalkhal

The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece.        Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.


2019 ◽  
pp. 110-119
Author(s):  
А. Дононбаев ◽  
Лили Сюй

Аннотация: Конфуцианство - это учение, возникшее в Древнем Китае, которое затронуло не только политику, но также и этические и политические нормы правления государством. Именно это учение оказало невероятное влияние на развитие не только политической жизни, но также и на общественный строй и духовную культуру Китая, на протяжении периода становления страны, как отдельного государства. Данная статья рассматривает не только личную жизнь Конфуция, но и период становления его, как духовного лидера, а также рассказывает о том, какие преграды ему пришлось преодолеть, для того, чтобы его работа и навыки, которые были предложены им, были воплощены в реальность. Ключевые слова: Конфуций, этико-политическое учение, философия, этика, политика, идеология, общество. Аннотация: Конфуций илими Байыркы Кытайда пайда болгон бир гана саясатты эмес ошондой эле мамлекеттик бийликтин этикалык жана саясий ченемдерине таасирин тийгизген окуу. Бул доктрина гана саясий эмес, иштеп чыгуу боюнча укмуштуудай таасирин тийгизген, ошондой эле өзүнчө мамлекет катары өлкөнүн калыптануу мезгилинде коомдук тартипти жана Кытай рухий маданиятына жатат. Бул макала Конфуцийдин жеке жашоосун гана эмес анын руханий лидер катары мөөнөтүн, ошондой эле бул иш үчүн, ал кандай тоскоолдуктарды жоюусу айтылат, ал сунушталган көндүмдөр, чындыгында жашоодо колдонулган. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Конфуций, этикалык жана саясий доктрина, философия, этика, саясат, идеология, коом. Abstract: Confucianism is a doctrine that emerged in ancient China, which affected not only politics, but also ethical and political norms of government. His doctrines had an incredible impact on the development of not only political life, but also the social structure and spiritual culture of China, during the period of the country's emergence as a separate state. This article considers not only the private life of Confucius, but also the period of its formation as a spiritual leader, and also tells about the obstacles that he had to overcome in order for his work and the skills that were offered to them to be realized. Keywords: Confucius, ethical and political doctrine, philosophy, ethics, politics, ideology, society.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-552
Author(s):  
T. Mills Kelly

During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism infin-de-siècleAustria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095858
Author(s):  
Leena Ripatti-Torniainen

This article provides an alternative contribution to journalism studies on a foundational concept by analysing texts of Jane Addams, a public intellectual contemporary with the seminal scholars Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. The author uses methods of intellectual history to construct the concept of the public from Addams’s books: Democracy and Social Ethics and The Newer Ideals of Peace, showing that all three authors, Lippmann, Dewey and Addams, discuss the same topic of individuals’ changed engagement with public political life. Addams departs from Lippmann and Dewey in setting out from the standpoints of exclusion and cosmopolitanism. Her argument regarding the public, as constructed by the author, consists of two premises. First, public engagement is a method of democratic inclusion as well as social and political inquiry for Addams. She sees the extension of relationality across social divisions as a necessary method to understand society and materialise democracy. Second, Addams emphasises cooperative and reflexive involvement especially in the characteristic developments of a time. She considers industrialisation and cosmopolitanism as characteristic developments of her own era. Addams suggests an in-principle cosmopolitan concept of the public that includes marginalised persons and groups. Compared to Lippmann’s and Dewey’s accounts of the public, Jane Addams’s argument is more radical and far more sensitive to the social inequality and plurality of a drastically morphing society.


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