scholarly journals ANALISIS KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PEMILIHAN LEGISLATIF

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-44
Author(s):  
EFENDI, M.Si ◽  
Atika Rahayu

The representation of women in the legislative field, especially in the election of legislative members in 2019 is quite large and of course will provide balance and color the formulation of laws and regulations, budgeting and supervision with a gender perspective in Sungai Penuh City, so that the presence of women in the political arena is not only a formality. The formulation of the research problem, namely, how is the representation of women in the legislative elections (Case Study at the Sungai Penuh City DPRD 2019)? The research objective is to determine the representation of women in the legislative elections (Case Study at the River City DPRD 2019). This research uses a qualitative approach where data is obtained through field interviews with 5 informants referring to 4 research indicators, namely 1. Socialization 2. Recruitment. 3. Cadreization 4. Communication. The data obtained in the field were analyzed based on the classification of the informants' answers which were described in the results and discussion of the research which was then carried out by the interpreter of the researcher.It is known that the representation of women in the legislative elections (Case Study at the Sungai Penuh City DPRD 2019) from the four research indicators, none of them can represent the voice of women in the Sungai Penuh City DPRD. The lack of maximum presence of women in legislative elections so that they do not get vote support.

Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rahmad Saputra ◽  
Muradi Muradi ◽  
Leo Agustino

The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the political affiliation of Aceh party cadres to national parties. Through this research, it was found that the Aceh Party continues to strive to consistently fight for the interests of Aceh, especially in the issue of special autonomy that has not yet been realized. Then the Aceh Party as a local party that won the General Election in Aceh since 2009 has continued to try to maintain the acquisition of seats and expand the interests of the party, especially at the national level by placing its cadres in the national party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (20) ◽  
pp. 202127
Author(s):  
Chirles da Silva Monteiro ◽  
Gutemberg Armando Diniz Guerra

EDUCATION AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN THE PARAENSE AMAZONIAEDUCACIÓN Y RESISTENCIA CAMPESINA EN LA AMAZONIA PARAENSERESUMOEste artigo é fruto dos apontamentos da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agriculturas Amazônicas (PPGAA) da Universidade Federal do Pará – UFPA. Aborda os desafios da luta pela terra no Sudeste Paraense, refletindo sobre o papel da educação nesse processo. Ele aponta a educação que permeia o cotidiano das pessoas, como elemento que fortalece a resistência política dos camponeses, por isso, não está apenas relacionada à conquista da terra, mas também, à permanência na mesma e à mudança da qualidade de vida nos acampamentos e assentamentos. O artigo é resultado de um estudo de caso, desenvolvido no Acampamento Sem Terra, denominado de Dalcídio Jurandir, localizado no Sudeste Paraense e encaminhado por uma abordagem qualitativa. Entende-se que o movimento social busca uma educação que dê conta de compreender as circunstâncias vividas a partir de suas contradições sociais, tendo a mesma lógica de resistência do campesinato, porque é nele que ela tem sua raiz histórica. Trata-se de uma educação que antecede à escola e vai muito além dela.Palavras-chave: Educação; Luta pela Terra; Resistência Camponesa.ABSTRACTThis article is the result of the master's research notes developed in the Postgraduate Program in Amazon Agriculture (PPGAA) of the Federal University of Pará – UFPA. It addresses the challenges of the struggle for land in Southeast Pará, reflecting on the role of education in this process. This paper points out the education that permeates people's daily lives, as an element that strengthens the political resistance of the peasants, therefore, it is not only related to the conquest of the land, but also to the permanence in it and to the change in the quality of life in the encampments and settlements. The article is the result of a case study, developed at the agrarian reform camp, called Dalcídio Jurandir, located in Southeast Pará and guided by a qualitative approach. It is understood that the social movement seeks an education that is able to understand the circumstances experienced from its social contradictions, having the same logic of resistance as the peasantry, because it has its historical roots in it. It is an education that precedes school and goes far beyond it.Keywords: Education; Struggle for Land; Peasant Resistance.RESUMENEste artículo es el resultado de las notas de investigación de maestría desarrolladas en el Programa de Posgrado en Agricultura Amazónica (PPGAA) de la Universidad Federal de Pará – UFPA. Aborda los desafíos de la lucha por la tierra en el sureste de Pará, reflexionando sobre el papel de la educación en este proceso. Señala la educación que permea la vida cotidiana de las personas, como un elemento que fortalece la resistencia política de los campesinos, por lo tanto, no solo se relaciona con la conquista de la tierra, sino también con la permanencia en ella y con el cambio de la tierra. Calidad de vida en los campamentos y asentamientos. El artículo es el resultado de un estudio de caso, desarrollado en el Campamento Sem Terra, llamado Dalcídio Jurandir, ubicado en el sureste de Pará y guiado por un enfoque cualitativo. Se entiende que el movimiento social busca una educación que sea capaz de comprender las circunstancias vividas desde sus contradicciones sociales, teniendo la misma lógica de resistencia que el campesinado, porque tiene en ella sus raíces históricas. Es una educación que precede a la escuela y la va mucho más allá.Palabras clave: Educación; Lucha por la Tierra; Resistencia Campesina.


Author(s):  
Anggi Septiyanti

The title of this research is "Political Marketing in Pilkada (Case Study: Victory of the Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya Pair in the Election of the Governor of South Sumatra 2018 in the City of Palembang)". This study examines the phenomenon of political marketing as a strategy in a campaign. This paper elaborates and discusses how the political marketing process carried out by the successful team of the couple Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City. The findings obtained from this study indicate that the political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City was very structured and managed to get the voice of the people of Palembang City. The political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in the city of Palembang is first, showing the political products of this couple to the community such as spreading the vision and mission program of this couple to the entire Palembang City community. Secondly, to promote the people of Palembang City both through direct interaction and through print media, electronic media, and social media carried out directly by successful teams. Third, determine prices in the campaign, both in the campaign funding process and to build the price of the image of the couple. Fourth, the location of the campaign which was not only focused on one place but spread throughout the corner of the city of Palembang, because there was no major campaign in the city of Palembang.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Eliyusnadi M.Si

Analysis of General Principles of Public Service at the Industry and Trade Office of Kerinci Regency. Every community certainly really hopes for the existence of general principles of public services in providing services to the community, especially at the Kerinci Regency Industry and Trade Office. In order to provide satisfactory services to service users, service delivery must meet the general principles of good governance in order to create customer satisfaction, which is a measure of the success of a public service. The formulation of the research problem, namely, how are the general principles of public services at the Kerinci Regency Industry and Trade Service. The objective of the research is to find out the general principles of public services in the Kerinci Regency Industry and Trade Service. This research uses a qualitative approach where data is obtained through field interview guides to 7 informants referring to 6 research indicators, namely 1. Transparency 2. Accountability 3. Conditional 4. Participation 5. Non-Discriminatory. 6. Balance of Rights and Obligations. The data obtained in the field were analyzed based on the classification of the informants' answers which were described in the results and discussion of the research which was then carried out by the interpretative researcher. It is known that the General Principles of Public Service at the Industry and Trade Office of Kerinci Regency, from the six research indicators, five indicators are well implemented, namely accountability, conditionality, participation, non-discrimination and balance of rights and obligations, while transparency indicators have not been maximally implemented. For this reason, the authors suggest that the General Principles of Public Service in the Kerinci Regency Industry and Trade Service can be improved so that they are more transparent in providing services to the community.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danil ◽  
Erliza Fitri

This study discusses the political communication carried out by Nasrul in the 2019–2024 legislative elections in Payakumbuh City. The focus of this research is on the elected candidates from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) due to being elected as a member of the DPRD Payakumbuh City with the most votes. The author assumes that his victory was motivated by good political communication. This research is a field research with a qualitative approach, while data collection is carried out through interviews with direct respondents Nasrul as the main source and secondary sources are the head of the PKS faction, a team of volunteers, community leaders who were selected based on sampling. The purpose of this study was to "know about the political communication used by Nasrul in the legislative elections" in Payakumbuh City for the 2019-2024 period. The results of this study, get the following conclusions: first, the political communication strategy used by Nasrul: 1) Nasrul uses the style of public relations communication (building relationships with the community). 2) Delivering political messages in the form of vision and mission. 3) Using media outside the campaign space such as stickers and calendars. 4) The effectiveness of Nasrul's political communication that is getting support in the form of voting in the legislative elections with acquiring 986 votes in electoral districts III (East Payakumbuh and North Payakumbuh).


2002 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
KAREN DUKE

Although the policy network approach has moved to the forefront of the debates around the formulation and development of policy, there is a paucity of methodological and reflexive literature which explores how policy networks and the actors within these arenas are actually studied. Researching powerful individuals within such networks generates a unique set of dilemmas and complexities for the researcher. Drawing on my experiences of researching the policy networks involved in the development of prison drugs policy, this paper provides a methodological and reflexive account of the key processes and issues involved in my research. In particular, it explores the political dimensions of the research problem and the importance of switching the research gaze from the ‘objects’ of policy to those who are in the powerful positions of ‘making’ policy. In order to understand the interactions within the policy process, it is argued that the qualitative approach offers distinct advantages in studying policy networks. The paper examines my attempts to uncover and understand the role and influence of policy networks in the development of prison drugs policy and the ways in which I grappled with the dilemmas of access, knowledge and power which emerged during the course of the fieldwork. Although the importance of transparent methodologies and reflexivity are highlighted, the paper concludes by suggesting that the resistance on the part of researchers to providing such accounts is related to the pressures and constraints of the current academic climate.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manon Tremblay

AbstractThis article investigates whether the entry of a greater number of women into the political arena could transform gender relations. The opinions of female and male New Democratic, Liberal and Parti québécois candidates in the 1989 Quebec general election were polled, in order to clarify three main questions: Do the female candidates polled have opinions favourable to feminist demands? Do female and male candidates have the same opinions with respect to these demands? Do political party and political philosophy influence the opinions of each sex on feminist demands? The results show that, generally speaking, women have higher scores on a feminist index than men. More specifically, this gap between women and men varies in accordance with the thematics of feminism, and with political party and political philosophy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-120
Author(s):  
M. Faishal Aminuddin ◽  
Natasha Hassan Attamimi

Money politics is a serious problem for the improvement in the quality of democracy in Indonesia. In every election, there has been a shift or variation in the pattern of money politics. This article answers the important question of what pattern of money politics applied in the 2014 elections was. This study found that the pattern was more complex and that it involved more actors between not only candidates and voters, but also the election organizers. A case study had been used to view the pattern of money politics in the legislative elections in Surabaya and Sidoarjo during the 2014 election. This study explains the connectivity between the emergence of pragmatic-rational voters, the engagement of the party oligarchy in moving the political party machinery and the covert dealings with the election organizer.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document