scholarly journals Bilateral Relations Between Indonesia and China in The Era of President SBY's Administration

2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-06
Author(s):  
Zulkarnain ◽  
Irma Indrayani

This study discusses the effect of China's economic revival on Indonesia's foreign policy orientation. Historically, the relationship between China and Indonesia, which had been severed in 1965 due to ideological conflicts and Indonesia's suspicion of China's support for the Indonesian communist party (PKI), has now been re-establish since the 1990s, which began with China's economic growth. Foreign policy is often caused by a combination of unexpected external forces with unfavorable structural factors. The continued stalemate in China-Indonesia bilateral relations has equally serious consequences for China. China's diplomatic failure against Indonesia has cost China, and that loss cannot be offset by the diplomatic gains generated by the opening of new relations with other ASEAN countries. This study tries to discuss this situation in depth using several approaches to find two variables that become the topic of this thesis: the rise of the Chinese economy and its influence on Indonesia's foreign policy. This research found that Indonesia's bilateral relations with China under the leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ran normatively and without significant fluctuations.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 845
Author(s):  
Yolanda Yolanda

This study aims the influence of corruption, democracy and politics on poverty in ASEAN countries with economic growth as a moderating variable. The method used is using the panel regression model. This data uses a combination method between time series data from 2013 - 2016 and a cross section consisting of 8 countries. Data obtained from World Bank annual reports, Transparency International and Freedom House. The results of this study indicate that (1) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) has a significant and negative effect on poverty, meaning that if the CPI increases then poverty will decrease (2) Democracy has no significant and negative effect on poverty. This means that if democracy increases, poverty will decrease (3) Politics has a significant and negative effect on poverty, meaning that if politics increases, poverty will decrease (4) Economic growth has a significant and positive effect on poverty, meaning if economic growth increases then poverty will decline (3) Economic growth unable to moderate the relationship between corruption, democracy and politics towards poverty in 8 ASEAN countries. Economic growth as an interaction variable is a predictor variable (Predictor Moderate Variable), which means that economic growth is only an independent variable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (02) ◽  
pp. 112-123
Author(s):  
Putri Dewi Purnama ◽  
Ming Hung Yao

The aim of this study is to find the relationship between international trade and economic growth in ASEAN countries. Three independent variables used to measure the economic growth include international trade, the exchange rate, and foreign direct investment. This study employs a pedroni panel cointegration test to examine the data from 2004 to 2015. The results show that there is a long term cointegrated relationship between international trade and economic growth in the ASEAN countries. International trade and foreign direct investment also have a long term, positive impact on economic growth. Meanwhile, the exchange rate also has a long term, negative influence on the economic growth. In addition, there is an indirect relationship and bidirectional causalities between the GDP and international trade, as well as between the GDP and the exchange rate. On the other hand, there is a direct relationship and a bidirectional causality between international trade and the exchange rate. The FDI leads GDP, international trade, and exchange rates. Our results suggest that international trade must be supported by government policies that aim to enhance the financing of new investment for economic growth.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Yevgeny Ryabinin

The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 91-98
Author(s):  
Noraina Mazuin Sapuan ◽  
Mohammad Rahmdzey Roly

Over the last few years, information and communication technology (ICT) has become a key catalyst for economic growth. The durability of this technology is demonstrated by the rapid proliferation of the Internet, mobile phones and cellular networks across the globe. However, among economic scholars, the question of exactly how the spread of ICT affects economic development and FDI, especially in ASEAN countries with differences in levels of income, remains unanswered. The aim of this study was essentially to explore the relationship between ICT dissemination, FDI and economic growth in ASEAN-8 countries. By using data from 2003 to 2017, the panel regression analysis was used to evaluate these relationships. The results showed that the dissemination of ICT and FDI are important and they have a positive effect on the ASEAN-8 countries’ economic development.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hazlina Mohd Padil ◽  
Eley Suzana Kasim ◽  
Fazlida Mohd Razali ◽  
Ruhaya Atan ◽  
Haziq Aminullah

Purpose The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, the study aims to examine the direct effect of illicit financial flows (IFF) and quality of governance (QoG) on economic growth. Second, this study seeks to examine the moderating effect of QoG on the economic consequences of IFF. Design/methodology/approach This study collected data from nine The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries for the period of 10 years from 2008 to 2019. The study concerned an analysis of the testing of a conceptual framework which based on secondary data which may lack a comprehensive substantiation on the grounds of measurement theory. A partial least squares (PLS) modelling using the SmartPLS 3.2.8 version was used as a statistical tool to examine the measurement and structural model. Findings Key findings provide empirical support on the effect of IFF and QoG on economic growth. It also confirmed that QoG significantly moderated the relationship between IFF and economic growth by reducing the negative impact of IFF on economic growth. Practical implications Immediate corrective action needs to be implemented by policymakers of ASEAN countries to strengthen QoG to effectively curb IIF activities. Originality/value This study provides current empirical evidence on the relationship of IFF, QoG and economic growth within ASEAN countries.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger W. Benjamin ◽  
John H. Kautsky

One of the major efforts of students of comparative politics in recent years has been directed at establishing, more or less systematically, relationships between economic development and political change. Much of the literature in this area, perhaps because of its stated or unstated value and policy orientation, has been concerned with the conditions and the prospects for democracy. In the present article, we attempt to correlate economic development with another phenomenon of political change, that of Communism and, more specifically, the strength of Communist parties.We begin with the hypothesis that the relationship between economic development and Communist party strength is curvilinear. In underdeveloped countries—and these included all Communist-ruled countries at the time the Communist party came to power except East Germany and the Czech sections of Czechoslovakia—Communist parties may be regarded as merely one variety of the modernizing movements that evolved in these countries in response to the impact of Western industrialism.


Author(s):  
Pietro Carlos De Souza Rodrigues ◽  
Sonia Delindro Gonçalves

The literature has given increasing attention to the role played by Brazilian transnational companies in its international insertion. In this context, special attention has been given to Brazilian private activities in Africa and, in particular, in Angola. Some countries in Sub-Saharan Africa are understood as potential markets for investments, especially given the similarities of the challenges for development and expertise of some of the Brazilian firms in sectors as agriculture, mining and civil construction. The objective of this paper is to try to capture possible relations between Brazil-Angola bilateral relations over the international operations of Brazilian firms. Our argument is that the business environment to investments has been favoured by a simultaneous international political alignment, as a consequence of the changes in the Brazilian foreign policy orientation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-286
Author(s):  
Jakub Szumski

The article examines the relationship between the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Brezhnev, and the First Secretary of the Polish United Worker’s Party, Edward Gierek, during the 1970s and contributes to the understanding of relationships between Brezhnev and other leaders of the Eastern Bloc. In order to fulfill his foreign policy goals, Brezhnev needed active and willing cooperation from the Eastern Bloc and its leaders benefited from this endeavor. Gierek responded to this demand by entering into an “uneven friendship” with Brezhnev that was established according to the Soviet “friendship code.” This privileged relationship was dependent on the inner situation within the Soviet leadership, the progress of détente, Poland’s domestic stability, and ultimately did not counterbalance Poland’s structurally disadvantageous status in the Eastern Bloc.


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ojakorotu ◽  
Rumbidzai Kamidza

This article maps the evolution of Zimbabwe’s Look East Policy (LEP) and specifically the bilateral relationship with China through the lens of Zimbabwe’s domestic politics. It argues that political elite in Zimbabwe has a vested interest in a close economic and political relationship with China at the cost of the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. The author establishes that Zimbabwe’s LEP was intended to respond to the economic sanctions imposed on it by Western nations. From the descriptive account of the LEP provided in the article, it appears that the LEP has been successful in doing that by having a broad-based economic and political relationship with China. The author further critiques the impact of Chinese investment in Zimbabwe as detrimental to the interests of the people. Foreign policy is an instrument that governs and protects the interests of governments, nationals, institutions, organisations and entities within the lenses of bilateral relations between the countries concerned. The Zimbabwe–China relations point to the fact that the latter China is politically and economically committed to engage and develop the former. However, at the heart of commitment and development in Zimbabwe lies questions of interests and the nature of the relationship which is affecting development and commitment to take place. Hence, this article argues that the failure of Zimbabwe to yield satisfying results from the bilateral relations lies mostly on the political and economic weaknesses of the Zimbabwean government and leadership. The fact that the LEP is not formally and publicly developed and disseminated to key stakeholders and the general public and that it remains largely an oral secret public policy statement affects the interests of Zimbabwean economy and interested stakeholders. This also reflects a weak foreign policy directive. As long as Zimbabwe continues to deny to engage with other superpowers and global institutions, the LEP will remain doomed as China will continue to manipulate and exploit the relationship knowingly that Zimbabwe has no other friends and partners for development and cooperation.


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