scholarly journals "Arabska" czy "Muzułmańska" Wiosna Ludów? Przemiany polityczno-społeczne w Pakistanie a Arabska Wiosna

2014 ◽  
pp. 9-23
Author(s):  
Joanna Modrzejewska-Leśniewska
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Arab Spring

The massive anti ‑regime demonstrations in Arab countries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked – the adjective “Arab” superceded “Muslim” in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.

Political Upheavals, Tourism Flight, and Spillovers: The Case of the Arab Spring

2021 ◽  
pp. 004728752110026
Author(s):  
José L. Groizard ◽  
Mohanad Ismael ◽  
María Santana-Gallego
Keyword(s):  
Mediterranean Region ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Spillover Effects ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
International Travel ◽  
Jel Codes ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
The Arab Spring

This article exploits the Arab Spring, which occurred in 2011, as a natural experiment to study the effect of political upheavals on international travel. We find that foreign tourists’ demand to travel to countries experiencing Arab Spring episodes was sharply reduced and persisted after two years. We also find evidence of two different spillover effects: a tourism diversion to rest of the world, and a regional contagion to geographically nearby countries (other Arab countries that did not experience Arab Spring episodes and the Mediterranean region, although with heterogenous effects across individual countries). To disentangle how spillovers are channeled, we test whether geographical and cultural (Islamic) affinity play any role. We find that diversion is explained by the attitudes of Western tourists but not of those whose origin is Arabic. Furthermore, we find that the contagion caused by the Arab Spring is stronger for the nearest Muslim countries. JEL codes: F14, F51, H12, O11

«Arab Spring»: Transformation of Political Paradigm in Context of International Relations

2012 ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
L. Fituni
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.

Coup-Proofing in the Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) Region

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Lutterbeck
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Common Finding ◽  
North African ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

Coup-proofing—that is, measures aimed at preventing military coups and ensuring military loyalty—has been a key feature of civil–military relations in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) states. Just as the MENA region has been one of the most coup-prone regions in the world, coup-proofing has been an essential instrument of regime survival in Arab countries. The most commonly found coup-proofing strategies in the region include (a) so-called “communal coup-proofing,” involving the appointment of individuals to key positions within the military based on family, ethnic, or religious ties; (b) providing the military with corporate and/or private benefits in order to ensure its loyalty; (c) creating parallel military forces in addition to the regular military, so as to “counter-balance” the latter; (d) monitoring of the military through a vast internal security and intelligence apparatus; and (e) promoting professionalism, and thus political neutrality, within the military. The experiences of the “Arab Spring,” however, have shown that not all of these strategies are equally effective in ensuring military loyalty during times of popular upheavals and regime crises. A common finding in this context has been that communal coup-proofing (or militaries based on “patrimonialism”) creates the strongest bonds been the armed forces and their regimes, as evidenced by the forceful suppression of the popular uprising by the military in countries such as Syria, or by parts of the military in Libya and Yemen. By contrast, where coup-proofing has been based on the provision of material benefits to the military or on counterbalancing, as in Tunisia or Egypt, the armed forces have refrained from suppressing the popular uprising, ultimately leading to the downfall of these countries’ long-standing leaders. A further lesson that can be drawn from the Arab Spring in terms of coup-proofing is that students of both military coups and coup-proofing should dedicate (much) more attention to the increasingly important role played by the internal security apparatus in MENA countries.

scholarly journals Arab Spring vs. Zero Problems Policy Impact of the Arab Spring on the Trade Expansion of Turkey

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Engin Sorhun
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Trade Volume ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Expansion ◽  
Trade Potential ◽  
The Arab Spring

Although Turkey has historically concentrated its trade with the European Union (EU) it has diversified its trade markets with the neighbouring regions and different group of countries during the last decade. Among them, Arab countries have come into prominence. Especially, following the “zero problems with neighbours” policy (ZPN), pursued by Turkey since 2002, the trade volume with the Middle Eastern neighbours has increased faster than that with its traditional partners. Nevertheless so called “Arab Spring” has started to manifest its effects on this trend. It deteriorates not only the economies of the concerned countries but also Turkey’s trade expansion. This paper aims: (i) to test through a gravity model the positive impacts of the ZPN policy and the negative impact of the Arab Spring on the trade expansion with the Spring Countries; and (ii) to reveal the positive impact of the policy change and the negative impact of the uprising movements on the realization of trade potential by Turkey in the Spring Countries.

scholarly journals The Arab Spring: The Hope and Reality of the Uprisings, 2nd ed. (Mark L. Haas and David W. Lesch (eds.))

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 98-101
Author(s):  
Nazar Ul Islam Wani
Keyword(s):  
United States Of America ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Political Justice ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Multiple Actors

The Arab Spring was a series of protests which took place in Arab countries against longstanding dictatorial regimes, because of the latter’s inability or refusal to deliver socio-economic and political justice to the common 99 masses. Protests spread like fire and made an impact not only on the governance of the Arab world but also internationally, by involving big players like Russia and the United States of America. Yet these events were intensely complicated, with multiple actors and layers of history involved in each country. The book under review here is one prodigious effort to understand the Arab Spring, considering causes and effects of the uprisings. Structurally, the book is divided into two parts. The first part, consisting of seven chapters, deals with the uprisings in Arab countries; part two, consisting of six chapters, discusses the impact of the Arab Spring on the non-Arab world and their core interests related to the uprisings. 

scholarly journals Indonesian Democracy as A Model for Egypt after The Arab Spring

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-147
Author(s):  
Ahmad Sahide ◽  
Rezki Satris
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
External Factor ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Internal Factor ◽  
Foreign Intervention ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Internal And External Factors ◽  
The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring in 2011 opened the way for democratization in some Arab countries, including Egypt. Egypt succeeded in overthrowing Hosni Mubarak as the president, but Egypt failed in consolidating democracy after holding a general election in 2012. The main factors of the failure in consolidating democracy in Egypt come from internal and external factors. The internal factor was that Egypt had not been ready for democracy , whereas the external factor was  foreign intervention due to national interest. This article analyzes the failure of democratization in Egypt by using Jack Snyder and Georg Sorensen’s theory. In the last part of this article, the writer suggested that Egypt should have learned how to consolidate democracy from Indonesia. Indonesia is the best model of democracy for Egypt due to some reasons. The first one is Indonesia and Egypt near a culturally (religious approach), and the second one is Indonesia's success, as the majority Muslim state, in consolidating democracy since 1998.

scholarly journals Facebook Utilization and Arab Spring Movement: A Study among Yemeni Youth

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adnan Abdulrahman Naef Farhan ◽  
P.A. Varghese
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Western Sahara ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Impact

The Arab Spring is a popular term used to describe the revolutionary movement of demonstrations and protests, and civil wars in the Arab world that began on December 18, 2010 in Tunisia and spread in the whole Arab countries. Tunisia and Egypt became the center of this revolution, and then it moved to include Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Sudan, Mauritania, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti, Western Sahara and Palestine. Yemeni youth’s revolution movement began to change the system through mobilization of people and social action. This paper focuses on the importance of Facebook in the revolution and how the Yemeni youth used Facebook to attract more supporters and keep the spirit up. The present paper reports the impact of Facebook in nurturing political revolution in Yemen analyzing the data achieved by survey method.Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-1: 5-9

The Arab World

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-19
Author(s):  
Boubaker Boukreisa
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Lateral Approach ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The State ◽  
Current Time ◽  
Significant Events ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Different Levels

Many researchers who believed in the “Arab Spring” are now debating the “Arab Autumn.” The two concepts are misleading because they reflect the entangled and complex reality of Arab countries at the current time. Such significant events that comprised the Arab Spring require knowledge of the influence of countries that were not directly involved in it, but which were pursuing their interests beyond their own borders. An attempt to engage with this sort of analytical framework leads to political fallacy that will contribute more to the crisis rather than solve it. Thus, it is important to understand that those who fight tyranny are not necessarily democratic themselves. What is the state of play in the Arab world today? At what stage of history is this region positioned? To answer both questions a lateral approach is needed, but this should not overlook the size of cases and their different levels.

Morocco and democratic transition: a reading of the constitutional amendments – their context and results

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdelilah Belkeziz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Royal Authority ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
The Arab Spring

This article, originally delivered in the Fall of 2011 at a seminar held in Beirut at the Centre for Arab Unity Studies, examines the 2011 amendments to the Moroccan Constitution in light of the historical background. The tumultuous events of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ brought new urgency to the issue of constitutional reforms that had been broached initially on the accession of Muhammad VI to the throne in 1999. Since independence, Moroccan political society has typically been vibrant, democratic and home to numerous political parties of various orientations and, since the 1970s, has witnessed calls by various sides for constitutional reforms as well as for the institution of a constitutional or parliamentary monarchy. On 9 March 2011 Muhammad VI gave a momentous address subjecting the issue of royal authority to public deliberations. This topic had previously ranked as one of the few unapproachable taboos of the political scene. A vital driving force in the process of constitutional reform has been the youthful February 20 Movement that was instrumental in the mobilization of millions of Moroccans and led to submitting the new draft Constitution to popular referendum and its ratification on 1 July 2011. Unlike other Arab countries, Morocco's functioning democracy, its well-established political parties and the fact that the issue of constitutional reforms had already been on the table meant that when Moroccans descended into the streets they had a set of clearly defined demands – demands that were also less drastic than those being made in other countries. Yet while Moroccan politics have been highly developed and articulate since the 1940s, the events of the Arab Spring provided the necessary shock and catalyst to transform relative complacency into action. The dense topography of mature political parties and organizations in Morocco factored in two ways: first, it permitted a stable environment for democratic transition, which was not new as a concept; and in a somewhat less positive regard, the compromises and concessions to numerous sides dictated by Moroccan political pluralism led – in the drafting of the amended Constitution – to a document of somewhat indistinct character. The King's authority, in particular, is not so limited as a contemporary parliamentary monarchy and he retains a distinct set of powers, particularly under the aegis of his role as ‘Commander of the Faithful’ (Amir al-Mu'minin). Nevertheless, there have been significant changes and this article examines the nature of these, their genesis and links to various political trends and parties. The uniqueness of the Moroccan model is demonstrated, though other Arab countries, notably Jordan, may follow a similar path.

scholarly journals Protest continuum in the Arab countries: Social movements, civil society, and citizenship El continuum contestatario en los países árabes movimientos sociales, sociedad civil y ciudadanía Le continuum contestataire dans les pays arabes: Mouvements sociaux, société civile et citoyenneté

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Isaías Barreñada Bajo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
Société Civile ◽  
The Arab Spring

The popular demonstrations triggered by the so-called Arab Spring can be explained by a combination of the multiple reasons of political, social, cultural, and economic orders. But previous mobilizations become relevant as a precedent to the Arab Spring protests given their scope; in several countries in recent years, an unusual intensification of the protest was experienced. The massive character of the protests would not have been possible without the intervention of certain experienced actors that served as catalysts and facilitators of these dynamics. Regardless of their achievements and singularities, the 2011 demonstrations have to be regarded as part of a protest continuum, being the inheritors of previous resistance, and protest movements, as well as of preceding organizational experiences and constituting a turning point in collective action. This continuum goes on.Spanish Las movilizaciones populares que desencadenaron las llamadas “primaveras árabes“ se explican por la combinación de múltiples razones de orden político, social, cultural y económico. Pero las dimensiones adquiridas por las protestas ponen de relieve cómo éstas tenían antecedentes; en varios países en los últimos años se vivió una intensificacioacute;n inusitada de la contestación. El carácter masivo de las protestas no hubiera sido posible sin la intervención de determinados actores que contaban con experiencia y que lograron actuar como catalizadores y facilitadores de esta dinámica. Independientemente de sus logros y de sus singularidades nacionales, las manifestaciones del 2011 se inscribieron así en un continuum contestatario, siendo herederas de experiencias de resistencia, protesta y organización previas, y constituyeron un punto de inflexión en el proceso. Este continuum prosigue en las transiciones políticas en curso.French Les mobilisations populaires déclenchées par les dénommés “printemps arabes“ s'expliquent par la combinaison de multiples raisons d'ordre politique, social, culturel et économique. Mais les dimensions a eintes par les protestations me ent en relief leurs antécédents; dans plusieurs pays, durant ces dernières années, a eu lieu une intensification inusitée de la contestation. Le caractère massif des protestations n'aurait été a eint sans l'intervention de certains acteurs qui comptaient avec de l'expérience y qui purent jouer un rôle de catalyseurs et de facilitateurs de ce e dynamique. Indépendamment de leurs réussites et de leurs singularités nationales, les manifestations de 2011 se sont ainsi inscrites dans un continuum contestataire, étant héritières d'expériences de résistance, de protestation et d'organisations antérieures, et elles constituèrent un moment d'inflexion dans le processus. Ce continuum se prolonge dans les transitions politiques en cour.

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