scholarly journals Total and Authoritary State Regimes

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-117
Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Article ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
State Regime ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

This scientific article analyzes and dialectically evaluates non-democratic state regimes, which, from the position of the author, cannot be definedas anti-democratic regimes. This assessment of the undemocratic state regime is transferred to its two main varieties - authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, focusing on the negative and positive aspects of both. Special attention is paid to the problem of correlation between totalitarian and authoritarian state regimes.

On non-democratic state regimes

2021 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Vladimir V. Kozhevnikov
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Article ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
State Regime ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

This scientific article analyzes and dialectically evaluates non-democratic state regimes, which, from the position of the author, cannot be defined as anti-democratic regimes. This assessment of the undemocratic state regime is transferred to its two main varieties - authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, focusing on the negative and positive aspects of both. Particular attention is paid to the problem of correlation between totalitarian and authoritarian state regimes.

scholarly journals The system of organization of authorities in determining the state regime

Legal Ukraine ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 6-12
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Administrative Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
State And Society ◽  
State Regime ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

The authors of the article consider the place of organization of executive authorities in determining the state regime through the provisions of administrative law. The article emphasizes the importance of functioning of a democratic regime as opposed to authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Attention is also drawn to the fact that in democratic regimes, the focus is on the individual and his rights. Contrary to this assertion, a parallel is drawn with the Soviet command and administration system, which centered on the state. In addition, the article indicates that the existence of a state regime depends to a large extent on the power and administrative activity of the authorities, as well as the internal subordination within the system of authorities. The article highlights the fundamental principles and institutions of a democratic society and the state, in particular the principle of separation of powers and the rule of law. The system of interaction between the state and society, citizen and executive bodies, state bodies and local self-government bodies is considered. Attention is drawn to the main models of interaction between executive authorities and local self-government bodies. Also, the article deals with the main task of the science of administrative law in order to better understand the concept of «state regime». The article draws attention to public administration entities, their rights and responsibilities, where their management activities play a major role. It is emphasized that non-legal methods and forms of government are a sign of undemocratic state regimes. It is also emphasized that the transition from command and control remnants of the Soviet system continues and that is why Ukraine continues to carry out new reforms. Because of this, the state and society are constantly experiencing waves of ups and downs. Key words: state regime, system of organization of the authorities, subjects of public administration, state, society, person.

scholarly journals Consequences of the Totalitarian past on the Albanian Post- Communist Society

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Matilda Pajo
Keyword(s):  
Annual Reports ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Qualitative Nature ◽  
Communist Past ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Freedom House

Enver Hoxha's communist regime lasted 45 years, leaving unstudied long-term consequences in the Albanian society. Still today, after 26 years of transition, the path of democratization of Albania remains unclear. Albania has been for more than four decades under one of the most isolated communist regimes in Europe. The transition from a communist totalitarian state to a democratic state is still incomplete even after 26 years since the fall of communism. Annual reports carried out by Freedom House noted a delay in the processes of democratic governance in Albania. In these reports, since 2007, based on the democratic indicators, Albania is defined as e hybrid regime. The aim of this paper is to argue that one of the reasons delaying democratization is the missing detachment, or the non-separation from the mentality of communist past. The methodology of this paper is qualitative nature, based on the international philosophical and political science literature. Also the author has studied countries, who have had similar experiences of totalitarian regimes and who later embraced democracy. This paper attempts to explain, that the bad governance is linked to the anti-democratic character of governance in Albania. Throughout Eastern Europe, Albania was the most radical, on the adaptation of Stalinist totalitarianism type, and nevertheless still today, is not seeking punishment of crimes of communism and has not implemented a law on lustration. The past can become an obstacle to the future when is not studied, recognized and confronted with.

scholarly journals Ewolucja cywilnych postępowań nakazowych i upominawczych w kierunku respektowania wymogów demokratycznego państwa prawnego

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-307
Author(s):  
Łukasz Goździaszek
Keyword(s):  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Judicial Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Civil Process ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Civil Proceedings ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
Simplified Procedures ◽  
Procedural Rights

Although writ proceedings in the Polish civil proceedings have been in operation since the beginning of the modern Polish civil process, there are still controversies in the aspect of fairly structured court proceedings. The defendant may be convinced that their procedural rights have been violated. It is a consequence of considering the case without prior notification of the defendant about the initiation of the proceedings. In such an approach, the judiciary may be perceived as not respecting the standards of a democratic state ruled by law. At the same time, to be closer to the notions of a totalitarian or authoritarian state, because it is not the procedural rights of an individual that are primary, but the effectiveness of the authorities’ actions. However, the concerns about the order for payment mechanism are unfounded as long as the model in which the order for payment is applied complies with the necessary requirements. First, the public authority deciding the case should have the attribute of impartiality. It is not necessary that payment orders are issued by a court. However, if the case is not heard by the court, the judicial control of such decisions is necessary. Second, the evidence should not be assessed. The presentation of specific evidence may, however, be a necessary condition for issuing an order for payment. The issue of the public body examining cases is related to the issue of evidentiary proceedings. These two elements define the nature of the order for payment by defining a procedure model. Finally, it should be pointed out that the order mechanism in a democratic state ruled by law should only supplement the examination of cases in ordinary proceedings (or separate proceedings distinguished by the party types). If the number of cases examined in separate proceedings is significant, and even more so if this way of dealing with cases prevails, ordinary proceedings may be merely an illusion. If in a significant number of cases simplified procedures leading to issuing an order for payment are applied, procedural guarantees related only to ordinary proceedings are irrelevant in such cases.

3. Defining Autocracy

2019 ◽  
pp. 36-51
Author(s):  
Andrea Kendall-Taylor ◽  
Natasha Lindstaedt ◽  
Erica Frantz
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Key Characteristics ◽  
The World ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
Changes Over Time ◽  
News Headlines ◽  
Over Time

Totalitarian regimes 37 Contemporary approaches to disaggregating autocracy 40 Blended regimes and changes over time 48 Conclusion 49 Key Questions 50 Further Reading 50 In Chapter 2, we defined democracy and identified the key characteristics of democratic regimes. In this chapter, we turn our attention to the other side of the political ledger and delve into the world of authoritarianism. Even a casual scan of international news headlines—filled with stories on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s latest feats, China’s rise, and Turkish President Erdoğan’s consolidation of power—reinforces the notion that today’s autocrats are resurgent. After a turbulent decade following the end of the Cold War, many authoritarian regimes have regained their footing and grown bolder and more capable of dealing with dissent....

Political Intolerance in the USSR

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES L. GIBSON ◽  
RAYMOND M. DUCH
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
The West ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
The Relationship

Political tolerance is a democratic value that has often been studied by those interested in the relationship between mass public opinion and democracy. Yet most research efforts have been mounted in relatively democratic regimes. Little is known about political tolerance in relatively totalitarian regimes. The authors' purpose in this article is to explore intolerance within the mass public of the Soviet Union. Focusing on two surveys of public opinion conducted in the USSR in 1990, the authors demonstrate that political intolerance is fairly widespread in the Soviet Union. Moreover, the objects of intolerance are focused, not dispersed pluralistically. Many of the predictors of intolerance found useful in the West (e.g., perceptions of threat, closed-mindedness) are also good predictors in the Soviet Union. Level of education plays an especially interesting role, contributing to support for more general democratic values, but not directly to political tolerance. The authors conclude this article by speculating about the future of the democratization process in the USSR in light of regnant intolerance in that country.

The Tinpot and the Totalitarian: An Economic Theory of Dictatorship

1990 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 849-872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Wintrobe
Keyword(s):  
Economic Theory ◽  
Simple Model ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Economic Change ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Bank Accounts ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

I use basic tools of economic theory to construct a simple model of the behavior of dictatorships. Two extreme cases are considered: a “tin-pot” dictatorship, in which the dictator wishes only to minimize the costs of remaining in power in order to collect the fruits of office (palaces, Mercedes-Benzes, Swiss bank accounts), and a “totalitarian” dictatorship, whose leader maximizes power over the population. I show that the two differ in their responses to economic change. For example, a decline in economic performance will lead a tin-pot regime to increase its repression of the population, whereas it will lead a totalitarian government to reduce repression. The model also shows why military dictatorships (a subspecies of tin-pots) tend to be short-lived and often voluntarily hand power over to a civilian regime; explains numerous features of totalitarian regimes; and suggests what policies will enable democratic regimes to deal with dictatorships effectively.

scholarly journals O arquivo e a testemunha: as relações do campo de concentração na [e para] apreensão do ser linguístico / The file and the witness: the relationships of the concentration field relationships in [and for] the seizure of the language being

Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Estrela Viegaz
Keyword(s):  
Concentration Field ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Deep Dive ◽  
Continuous Exercise ◽  
Homo Sacer ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

O homo sacer nos permite aprofundamentos em estudos nos mais diversos matizes de pensamentos e possibilita, por isso, análises pontuais e profundas sobre o papel do ser humano em sua inserção moderna. Giorgio Agamben, ao tratar do sentido messiânico do “restar”, nos propõe um mergulho profundo no real papel dos campos de concentração e de como suas relações não foram apagadas juntamente com a derrocada dos regimes totalitários. Considerar o ser linguístico dentro das formulações do campo e sua relação com o arquivo e a testemunha é um exercício contínuo apresentado pelo filósofo italiano e que nos faz questionar nosso lugar dentro dos regimes democráticos e de como o discurso, nestas formas, cumpre salutar papel no estado de exceção permanente.AbstractThe homo sacer allows us to deepen our study of the most diverse nuances of thought and, therefore, allows us to analyze in depth and punctually the role of the human being in his modern insertion. Giorgio Agamben, in dealing with the messianic sense of "subtract", proposes to us a deep dive into the real role of the concentration camps and how their relations were not erased together with the overthrow of totalitarian regimes. To consider the linguistic being within the formulations of the field and its relation to the archive and the witness is a continuous exercise presented by the Italian philosopher and makes us question our place within the democratic regimes and of how speech, in these forms, plays a salutary role in the state of permanent exception.

scholarly journals Appropriation and political expression in urban public spaces

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Luis Abrahão
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Urban Spaces ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Past ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
Physical Spaces ◽  
The Relationship

There are many, diverse issues that determine the relationship between citizens and their public urban spaces and, consequently, the significance that these spaces acquire for society as a whole. In totalitarian regimes however, the use of streets and parks as places of protest and resistance against sequestered freedom is not permitted. However, in democratic regimes, the reflections and discourse of architects, urbanists, researchers and policy makers regarding the manner in which public urban space is (or should be) appropriated by the population, has revealed a systematic reinterpretation of these spaces. Indeed, ever since the last decades of the past century, it has become recurrent to associate these physical spaces with the space of political realization. The intention of the present article is to bring the meaning of this association into debate, above all due to the insurgencies from certain segments of our population, which have taken place over recent years, manifestly in the streets, parks and avenues of our cities.

scholarly journals Η ΡΙΖΟΣΠΑΣΤΙΚΗ ΔΕΞΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΑΓΡΟΤΙΚΟ ΖΗΤΗΜΑ ΣΤΙΣ ΑΡΧΕΣ ΤΟΥ ΕΙΚΟΣΤΟΥ ΑΙΩΝΑ. Η ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ TOΥ ΧΡΗΣΤΟΒΑΣΙΛΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΕΤΑΙΡΕΙΑΣ «ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ»

Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
ΝΙΚΟΣ ΠΟΤΑΜΙΑΝΟΣ
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Nationalist Discourse ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Agrarian Question ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Peasant Revolt ◽  
Ownership Of Land ◽  
The 19Th Century

<p>Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"</p><p>The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof.</p>

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