scholarly journals Identity of an Islamic Ideological State: An Analytical Study

IIUC Studies ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 147-178
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rafiqul Hoque
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Study ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State

The Islamic system of state established by the Prophet (SM), existed from 623CE in Medina. The state of Medina was neither monarchic nor republican, ruled on the policy of the majority. This state was based neither on tribalism nor on nationalism, rather on humanism and Islamic monotheism. It was really an Ideological state and the ideology was Islam. In the present paper, an attempt has been made to describe the main features of an Islamic Ideological state through its main principles and distinguishing points of three basic organs and to analyse the differences between an Islamic state and secular states. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v7i0.12266 IIUC Studies Vol.7 2011: 147-178

scholarly journals DOME OF BAYT AL-MAL IN THE ISLAMIC MOSQUES: COMPARATIVE AND ARCHITECTURAL STUDY

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-23
Author(s):  
Mohammed Enab
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Study ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Functional Dimension ◽  
East And West ◽  
Architectural Development ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
The Impact

Bayt al-mal is one of the important architectural innovations that characterized the Islamic civilization. It represents the treasury of the Islamic State, which preserves the various financial resources of the State. The Bayt al-mal appeared in the era of the Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him), and its layout was simple reflects the simplicity of Islam. Its location was inside the mosque or adjacent to it. Bayt al-mal developed with the expansion of the Islamic State and the Islamic conquests, and it has a special called Diwan Bayt al-mal. Domes were built in mosques as one of the branches and sections of the Bayt al-mal. These domes were dedicated to preserving the different funds of the endowments and places. The location of these domes was in the great mosques' courtyard. They rise from the courtyard's surface and based on eight columns. These domes appeared especially in Umayyad mosques in Syria and Palestine. Then they spread in most countries in the east and west of the Islamic world. This research deals with the concept of the Bayt al-mal; its names, origin, architectural development, and the reasons to build them. This research also studies the dimension of jurisprudence in the building of these domes. It used an analytical study of the architectural shape of these domes and studies the impact of functional dimension on the form and plan of these domes. This study shows the remaining examples of these domes in Islamic mosques and mentions some examples of the extinct ones.

scholarly journals E-4 Political and Diplomatic Strategies of World Leaders and the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) (An Analytical Study)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Sohail Akhtar ◽  
Abdul Razaq
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Study ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Human History ◽  
Political Tactics ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Status ◽  
First Time

Allah Almighty sent Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) as the last Prophet for the guidance of humanity. But sent Him as a model for human being in all discipline of life. The life of the prophet was a real example for the entire mankind in the all discipline of life. Whether he is a teacher or as a commander, as a ruler or as a head of the family, as a preacher or as a judge, no one seems second to you. In the same way, like other matters, he also gave guidance in political matters. For the first time in human history, truth was made a part of politics. The Prophet (peace be upon him) is the only person in history whose every action has been considered as the source of growth and guidance for humanity. Not only is there an example for people in every aspect of the Prophet's life, but the secret of success lies in following him. Like other aspects of life, where the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) has the status of a king and a general and a conqueror, he is the founder of an Islamic state. As the ruler of the state of Madinah, the Prophet (Peace Be Upon Him) used all the political strategies necessary for the management and administration of the state. This research paper highlights the political tactics and strategy of the Prophet (peace be upon him) as world best politician.

GAGASAN PEMIKIRAN DAN GERAKAN DAKWAH M. NATSIR DI INDONESIA

1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Values

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman.His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kiai or ulama. To make a da’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.

Gagasan Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwah M. Natsir di Indonesia

1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Values

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.

Humanising the Dehumanised: Emotion and Being in the Violence of the Islamic State (IS): An Alternative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Alternative Perspective ◽  
Western Civilisation ◽  
Ongoing Project

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.

Re-enacting the international order, or: why the Syrian state did not disappear

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Janis Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
International Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
New States ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
Rare Opportunity ◽  
State Form

Abstract At the height of the Syrian civil war, many observers argued that the Syrian state was collapsing, fragmenting, or dissolving. Yet, it never actually vanished. Revisiting the rising challenges to the Syrian state since 2011 – from internal collapse through external fragmentation to its looming dissolution by the ‘Islamic State’ – provides a rare opportunity to investigate the re-enactment of both statehood and international order in crisis. Indeed, what distinguishes the challenges posed to Syria, and Iraq, from others in the region and beyond is that their potential dissolution was regarded as a threat not merely to a – despised – dictatorial regime, or a particular state, but to the state-based international order itself. Regimes fall and states ‘collapse’ internally or are replaced by new states, but the international order is fundamentally questioned only where the territorially delineated state form is contested by an alternative. The article argues that the Syrian state survived not simply due to its legal sovereignty or foreign regime support, but also because states that backed the rebellion, fearing the vanishing of the Syrian nation-state in a transnational jihadist ‘caliphate’, came to prefer its persistence under Assad. The re-enactment of states and of the international order are thus ultimately linked.

scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Group ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

scholarly journals Post-Islamism Redefined: Towards a politics of post-Islamism

2020 ◽  
pp. 28-54
Author(s):  
Milad Dokhanchi
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Alternative Definition ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
Current Conception ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
Modern Condition ◽  
Islamist Movements

Problematizing Asef Bayat’s notion of “post-Islamism,” this article proposes an alternative definition for the concept, having in mind the case of Iran. The current conception of the term “post-Islamism” may be challenged via a survey of post-revolutionary Islamist movements that resisted the state and as well as Ayatollah’s Khomeini’s concession to the concept maslahat (expediency), through which state expressed preference for modern reason over sharia law. The case of Islamists contesting state power questions the monolithic image of Islamism drawn by Bayat as movements longing to create a state based on the doctrine of velāyat-e faqih. Also Khomeini’s concession to maslahat indicates that the Islamic state must be seen as one of the participants in “post”-Islamist secularizing trends in Iran. Hence, Bayat’s post-Islamism was more of an inevitable political phenomenon adopted by the state itself than a conscious project adopted by Muslim secularist intellectual figures seeking to put an end to Islamism. Unlike Bayat’s post-Islamism, which celebrates the end or a “break” from an Islamist paradigm, this article then invites readers to expose Islamism to post-modern critique, the result of which would not be a negation but rather a revival of Islamism that takes into account the contingencies of the post-modern condition. Similar to post-Marxism and post-anarchism, post-Islamism maintains the ethos of the traditional canon, Islamism in this case, while rejecting its authoritarian and universalist tendencies. A post-Islamist politics has yet to emerge, yet its introductory philosophical foundations have been already developed in the 1990s by figures such as Abdolkarism Soroush and Morteza Avini. Soroush’s post-Islamism, however, ultimately landed in a modernist liberal episteme, hence remained Islamist, while Avini, despite his support for the state, offered a much more radical critique of Islamism while remaining faithful to its ethos.

State Building Jihadism: Redefining Gender Hierarchies and “Empowerment”

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-27
Author(s):  
Hamoon Khelghat-Doost
Keyword(s):  
State Building ◽  
Field Trips ◽  
The State ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Gender Hierarchies ◽  
Multiple Field

Since the establishment of the Islamic State of Syria and Iraq (ISIS), there was a surge in women’s incorporation into the organization. Traditionally, nationalist and leftist militant movements utilised women only during periods of mobilization and political struggle. Upon the periods of state consolidation, women were discarded and pushed out of the state institutions. Ironically and against the above established trend, this article demonstrates that this trend was reversed in the case of ISIS. By using the ‘mahram’ concept, the article also explains the reason why women were largely absent at the midst of ISIS’s conflict and military clashes and were brought to the stage only after the triumph of the organization in establishing its state. The findings of this research are based on secondary sources and primary data personally collected from more than 150 interviews through multiple field trips to Iraq, Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, Lebanon, and the borders of ISIS-controlled territories in Syria from July 2015 to January 2017.

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