OPINION JOURNALISM ACTIVITY OF VOLODYMYR SALSKYI

Author(s):  
Denys KAMENTSEV

The main directions of journalistic activity of the Major General, Minister of Military Affairs of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR), and the Ukrainian People's Republic in exile Volodymyr Salskyi, which became an integral part of his social and political activity, are considered. Passion for journalism was typical of many prominent personalities of the early 20th century. V. Salskyi considered opinion journalism an essential element of educational activities, and under the war conditions – an effective method of ideological influence on the people, the formation of its national consciousness and patriotism. The military-political figure's first attempts in opinion journalism occurred in 1920, stimulated by his own experience of participation in World War I and the Ukrainian National Revolution, difficult domestic and foreign policy circumstances in Ukraine, and the struggle against Bolshevik Russia. The top of his journalistic career was the emigration period, especially in the second half of the 1920s. The publications with which V. Salskyi collaborated were considered, in particular, «Tabor», «Hurtuimosia», «Tryzub», «Za Derzhavnist». The minister's articles were united around national-state issues, the propaganda of patriotism, sincere faith in the Ukrainian cause's success, and, finally, the building of an independent united Ukraine. The central leitmotif of almost all publications is the army, the history of its formation, heroism in the national liberation struggle of 1917–1921, as well as the role in the further struggle for the realization of the national idea. V. Salskyi's articles are analyzed. His articles demonstrated the author's remarkable writing talent; his publications on military-political and military-historical topics showed in-depth knowledge of political science, theory and practice of military affairs, and international politics. V. Salskyi's opinion journalism played a significant role in popularizing the Ukrainian national idea and the development of cultural, educational, and national life of Ukrainians in exile. Keywords: Volodymyr Salskyi, Minister of War, journalism, «Tryzub», national idea.

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (31) ◽  
pp. 248-261
Author(s):  
Marek Przeniosło ◽  
Małgorzata Przeniosło

Initially, the military operations during World War I were advancing at some distance from Vilnius. The offensive of the Central Powers directly threatened the city as late as in the summer of 1915. At that moment preparations started to evacuate important offices, economic and financial structures from Vilnius. Also, the people employed in these institutions, especially those of executive level, started to gradually leave the city (usually with their families). The intensification of this flight came in late August and September. The men of military age were being evacuated as well. A large number of the inhabitants of the Vilnius region sympathized with the Russians, which was understandable given the fact that their cousins and relatives served in the tsarist army. Some remained neutral. After the outbreak of the war the requisitions made by the Russian army were a serious problem for the population. They were especially acute for the farmers. The tactics of "burned land" used by the retreating Russian troops was an even greater threat to the residents of the Vilnius region and their property. Although the action did not much affect Vilnius, it had a serious impact on the rural areas in the region, including those located in the direct vicinity of the city. On 18 September 1915, the German troops entered Vilnius. The residents of the region responded calmly to the change of the situation, there were no cases of panic. The occupied lands, previously held by Russia, were treated by the Germans as a loot, hence they were exploited to the maximum extent. It was directly reflected in the quality of life of the civilian population.


Author(s):  
Alovsat Allahverdiyev

The article is dedicated to the overview of the scope and application of international prosecution on war crimes. Although theterm “war crimes” is not a new concept in international law, different approaches exist in defining the precise limits of it. War crimesare always considered as one of the primary challenges and pecularities minimizing the whole efficiency of international law. Nevertheless,not all known prosecutions on war crimes ended with success. In traditional international law war crimes are always related tomilitary or armed conflicts what may be international or non-international conflict. History of international humanitarian law demonstratesthat almost all of the military conflicts were associated with war crimes. However, international law was not able to buil upstrong judicial mechanisms for the prosecution of war crimes for a long time. Modern type of international prosecution over war crimescan be linked to military tribunals established after World War I. At the same time, we should not forget that most of war crimes committedbefore and during WWI still remain unpunished. These problems demand new conceptual approach to the understanding of warcrimes as well as methodology of international prosecution. We know that first military tribunals were of quasi-international character.Although modern international law contains fully international military tribunals, still there are a lot of cases of failure to punish warcrimes. We need to understand that being a type of international crimes against peace and humanity, war crimes can be committed outsidethe active period of war. Thus, there is a need to re-define again the scope and subject matter of war crimes. On the other hand,prosecution of war crimes should be studied apart from other international law violations, human rights in particular.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Bohdan Hud ◽  
◽  
Oleg Muravskiy ◽  

The author formulates and argues the thesis that the agricultural policy of the new Polish State in Ukrainian territories (Galicia, Polissya, and Volhynia) became an essential element of its ethnic policy. The roots of this policy dated back to before World War I. Polish politicians in Galicia introduced a regulation that big estates should be parceled out in ethnically mixed lands in a way that made the Polish small landowners, not the Ruthenians the primary beneficiaries. Over the course of time, it became a cornerstone of the agricultural policy of the Second Polish Republic. The principles of the land reform, dated back to the 1920s, were discriminating against Ukrainian peasants living in the south-eastern part of the II Polish Republic. First of all, because of the so-called raison d’état, which allowed for the further existence of large landed properties Even the legally defined upper limit – from 300 to 700 hectares – was oftentimes significantly exceeded. Discrimination of the local peasantry during the land division period was additionally intensified through the military settlement policy and civilian colonization of lands with the prevailing non-Polish population. It was generally considered that only Polish peasants could improve the situation in the Eastern borderlands. The growing number of settlers in closed rural communities caused a lack of arable land, and in consequence deepening civil conflicts, as well as favourable conditions for both nationalistic and communist propaganda. Thus, the nationalistic character of the Polish agricultural policy during the interwar period had a negative impact on Polish-Ukrainian relations both then and during World War II.


1961 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guenter Lewy

When Francis Gary Powers was asked by the presiding judge of the Soviet military tribunal trying him for espionage whether he had not considered the possibility that his U-2 flight might provoke armed conflict, the captured pilot answered, “The people who sent me should think of these things. My job was to carry out orders. I do not think it was my responsibility to make such decisions.” This article deals with a similar problem, a predicament which to this day, fortunately, has remained hypothetical, but which may become distressingly real at some time in the future. It concerns the unenviable position of the military subordinate commanded to use nuclear weapons, who may be punished today if he disobeys and prosecuted tomorrow if he obeys. The discussion initially evolves around three issues in international law: (1) the validity of the plea of superior orders as a defense in war crimes trials; (2) the question of the legality of using nuclear weapons; and (3) the present status and future of the law of war. That these problem areas are intimately related should become clear as we proceed.The disregard for humanitarian and moral considerations which has increasingly characterized the conduct of war in the twentieth century, and, more recently, the development of nuclear weapons—the tools of mass extermination par excellence—have led many students of international law to conclude that the laws of war are dead. Grotius' doctrine of the temperamenta belli, requiring belligerents to conduct hostilities with regard for the principles of humanity and chivalry, as well as the many conventions drawn up prior to World War I in order to regulate the use of violence, are said to have become largely obsolete.


Nowa Medycyna ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Ciesielska

Professor Edward Loth was an outstanding scientist, author of numerous scientific dissertations, including 7 monographs cited all over the world to this day. The life and scientific achievements of prof. Loth have been described in many detailed studies focusing both on his didactic activities and active participation in the fight against the German invader during World War II. Due to the military experience gained during World War I and the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 as well as the medical specialization in the field of orthopedics and rehabilitation, prof. Loth was especially qualified to manage the sanitary facilities of the Home Army during the German occupation in Poland. Almost all studies show that Professor Loth was awarded, among others The Order of Virtuti Militari and that he was given the title of “Righteous Among the Nations”. Unfortunately none of the existing articles describe the circumstances in which Professor helped Jews and who applied for his candidacy for this prestigious distinction. Due to the scientific research on the history of the doctors of the Warsaw ghetto, the author reached documents and accounts describing the so-called ”rescue story” and the name of the person whom help was given.


Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 28-35
Author(s):  
Oksana KAMINSKA

The civic-political activity of Sydor Golubovych during the World War I was analyzed in the article based on the complex study of archive sources, periodicals and scientific literature. His role in the political organizations in Vienna during his emigration period in 1914-1915-s and after his return to L’viv in 1915-1918-s was determined. Namely, the prerequisites of reorganization of the Main Ukrainian Council into the Common Ukrainian Council, problem of political struggle among different party groups within the political circles in Galicia and Bukovina were highlighted. The main aspects of Golubovych’s activity in the Common Ukrainian Council (CUC) were revealed, within the council his main attention was drawn to the issues of the “Military bank” creation, issues related to the Ukrainian refugees, migrant workers, internees from Galicia and Bukovina, who according to the official data were 90 thou in different parts of Austria, Germany and Czech Republic. Moreover, it is mentioned that S. Golubovych was a participant of the political actions for autonomy of Ukrainian schooling, separate Ukrainian university opening in L’viv, transformation of the STC into the Ukrainian academy of science, etc. It was found that after his return to L’viv in August 1915, S. Golubovych as a member of the L’viv’s delegation of the CUC and member of the Regional Credit Union (RCU) was predominantly responsible for the problems of region’s restoration after the military actions. Simultaneously, the main attention was drawn to the busy social activity, namely he was included into the senior council at Stavropigijskyi institute – former Moscow-oriented institution transferred to the Ukrainians by the Austrian governor general Kollard, and was a founder and editor of the newspaper “Ukrayinsʹke slovo” that was the main media source in Galicia. Furthermore, during 1917-1918-s the politician frequently visited Ternopol’s region where he endeavored to keep close contacts with his electorate.A role of S. Golubovych was described before the November events of 1918, where he as a figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) and member of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation (UPR) participated in meetings and demonstrations’ organization devoted to the independence proclamation of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), peace treaty agreement in Brest-Lytovsk, was actively involved in implementation of so called “viche week” organized to support the autonomy demands of the Eastern Galicia as a separate Ukrainian territory within the Austrian monarchy, etc.


Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.


Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

This chapter considers the prevailing notion in the eighteenth century that nobility was a necessary bulwark of political freedom. Whether in the interest of a more open nobility or of a more closed and impenetrable nobility, the view was the same. Nobility as such, nobility as an institution, was necessary to the maintenance of a free constitution. There was also a general consensus that parliaments or ruling councils were autonomous, self-empowered, or empowered by history, heredity, social utility, or God; that they were in an important sense irresponsible, free to oppose the King (where there was one), and certainly owing no accounting to the “people.” The remainder of the chapter deals with the uses and abuses of social rank and the problems of administration, recruitment, taxation, and class consciousness.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


Author(s):  
Vu Thi Thanh Minh

With the majority of the population working in agriculture, the economy of Khmer people is mainly agricultural. At present, the Khmer ethnic group has a workingstructure in the ideal age, but the number of young and healthy workers who have not been trained is still high and laborers lack knowledge and skills to do business. Labor productivity is still very low ... Problems in education quality, human resources; the transformation of traditional religion; effects of climate change; Cross-border relations of the people have always been and are of great interest and challenges to the development of the Khmer ethnic community. Identifying fundamental and urgent issues, forecasting the socio-economic trends in areas with large numbers of Khmer people living in the future will be the basis for the theory and practice for us to have. Solutions in the development and implementation of policies for Khmer compatriots suitable and effective.


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