Desecularization of the Palestinian Imagination? Reflections on Nation-Ness and Fragmentation

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (10) ◽  
pp. 1379-1394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Hovsepian

The main process that gives meaning to belonging to the Palestinian nation concerns the everyday encounters with Israeli policies that dictate Palestinian lives. The escalating fragmentation of the occupied territories since the mid-1990s and the control of the most basic right, the right of freedom of movement, continue to shape Palestinian nation-ness in the context of a struggle to end the Israeli occupation.

Author(s):  
Anastasiia Trofymenko

The weaknesses of the legal framework of social protection of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Ukraine have been analyzed. Among them are legal conflicts between legal acts, absence of the mechanism of providing IDPs with free temporary housing and compensation for lodging destroyed. The following challenges arise under the exercise of rights of IDPs: the amount of targeted aid has not changed since October 1, 2014; limitation of the freedom of movement for IDPs; limited practice ability of granting the right for the easy terms of studying at University (may be met by additional grants, charge-free rooms at the dormitory, free books and manuals, free Internet access etc.);the collection of legal charge for filing a lawsuit in court seeking protection of the rights of IDPs; service troubles of Single IDP Data Base. The issues of the lack of money for living, employment, provision of medical and psychological aid, the lack of selection criteria for the provision of IDPs with social services depending on their welfare, social status etc. are also pressing. Keywords: Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), IDP registration reference, anti-terrorist operation (АТО), Single IDP Data Base, Ministry of Temporarily Occupied Territories and IDPs of Ukraine (МТОТ)


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew D Asher

This article investigates how the supranational policies of European Union (EU) citizenship were experienced by “third country nationals” living as non-citizen residents in the transnational urban space of Słubice, Poland and Frankfurt(Oder), Germany—two cities separated only by the Polish-German border. With an emphasis on the implementation of the Schengen acquis—the EU’s common policies on cooperation in law enforcement, visas, and the management of its borders--this article begins with an examination of the ways in which third country nationals are categorized as a group separate from EU citizens. This article then explores how the everyday presence of the border between Słubice and Frankfurt(Oder) excluded third country nationals from the exercise of EU citizenship through practices that placed limits on their freedom of movement. Finally, this article describes how specific individuals responded to these limitations by strategically managing their visa and citizenship statuses.Because of the cities’ unique border location, the residents of Słubice/Frankfurt(Oder) demonstrate the development of unequal citizenship regimes for EU citizens and non-citizens, in which each group is extended differential access to the entitlements, privileges, and rights of citizenship. By exploring how third country nationals’ ability to exercise citizenship rights were structured and constrained by EU laws and regulations, this article documents the emergence of one instance of illiberality within the EU’s ostensibly neoliberal and democratic economic and political projects, and brings into sharp relief the central role the right to free movement plays in the exercise of full citizenship within the EU.


Author(s):  
Sarah Song

Chapter 6 examines three rights-based arguments for freedom of movement across borders. Three rights-based arguments have been offered in support of freedom of international movement. The first claims that freedom of movement is a fundamental human right in itself. The second adopts a “cantilever” strategy, arguing that freedom of international movement is a logical extension of existing fundamental rights, including the right of domestic free movement and the right to exit one’s country. The third argument is libertarian: international free movement is necessary to respect individual freedom of association and contract. This chapter shows why these arguments fail to justify a general right to free movement across the globe. What is morally required is not a general right of international free movement but an approach that privileges those whose basic human rights are at stake.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Kholoud Al-Ajarma

The Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj) is one of the five pillars of Islam and a duty which Muslims must perform—once in a lifetime—if they are physically and financially able to do so. In Morocco, from where thousands of pilgrims travel to Mecca every year, the Hajj often represents the culmination of years of preparation and planning, both spiritual and logistical. Pilgrims often describe their journey to Mecca as a transformative experience. Upon successfully completing the pilgrimage and returning home, pilgrims must negotiate their new status—and the expectations that come with it—within the mundane and complex reality of everyday life. There are many ambivalences and tensions to be dealt with, including managing the community expectations of piety and moral behavior. On a personal level, pilgrims struggle between staying on the right path, faithful to their pilgrimage experience, and straying from that path as a result of human imperfection and the inability to sustain the ideals inspired by pilgrimage. By ethnographically studying the everyday lives of Moroccans after their return from Mecca, this article seeks to answer the questions: how do pilgrims encounter a variety of competing expectations and demands following their pilgrimage and how are their efforts received by members of their community? How do they shape their social and religious behavior as returned pilgrims? How do they deal with the tensions between the ideals of Hajj and the realities of daily life? In short, this article scrutinizes the religious, social and personal ramifications for pilgrims after the completion of Hajj and return to their community. My research illustrates that pilgrimage contributes to a process of self-formation among pilgrims, with religious and non-religious dimensions, which continues long after Hajj is over and which operates within, and interacts with, specific social contexts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Romola Adeola ◽  
Frans Viljoen ◽  
Trésor Makunya Muhindo

Abstract In 2019, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights adopted General Comment No 5 on the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights: The Right to Freedom of Movement and Residence (Article 12(1)). In this general comment, the commission elaborated on the right to freedom of movement and residence within state borders. This issue, while explicit in international human rights law, is a challenge within various jurisdictions, including in Africa. This article provides a background to and commentary on General Comment No 5, leveraging on the insight of the authors, who participated in its drafting. Unlike the UN Human Rights Committee's earlier general comment, General Comment No 5 provides detailed guidance on the internal dimension of the right to free movement and residence. As “soft law”, its persuasive force depends on a number of factors, including its use at the domestic level, its visibility and its integration into regional human rights jurisprudence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 32-36
Author(s):  
I. V. Botantsov ◽  

According to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, every citizen has the right to freedom of movement on its territory, but due to the fact that minors cannot be held accountable for their actions, there is a need to control their movement by legal representatives. The practical determination of the age of independent travel of minors and the issues of drawing up documents by parents authorizing them to do so are the subjects of disputes that are subject to judicial resolution. The article provides an analysis of the relevant practice, accompanied by the author's comments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-200
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Woch

The right of family members of Union citizens to live with them in the host Member State has always been considered essential for an effective freedom of movement of citizens. However, the provisions of Directive 2004/38/EC contain a different description of the scope of rights of family members of Union citizens taking advantage of the freedom of movement of persons as to the possibility of accompanying or joining EU citizens taking advantage of the freedom of movement of persons, depending on whether they belong to the circle of ‘closer’ or ‘distant’ family members. This issue acquires particular significance in the context of family members who are not citizens of any Member State of the Union. For individuals belonging to the circle of ‘closer’ family members, the EU legislator grants the subjective right to accompany or join a Union citizen exercising the right of the freedom of movement of persons. In the latter case, the legislator only obliges the host Member States to facilitate entry and residence for such individuals in accordance with their national legislation. The glossed judgment, by determining the status of individuals under legal guardianship within the framework of the Algerian kafala system as a ‘distant’ family member of a Union citizen, clearly touches upon a significant issue in the context of the Union’s freedom of movement of persons.    


Author(s):  
Manar H. Makhoul

The post-1987 period includes the years of the Intifada, the subsequent peace process, its failure, and the eruption of the second Intifada in the 2000s. This is a politically distinctive period in the life of Palestinians inside (and outside) Israel, in which they start to consider their future in light of a peace process that excludes them from the solution of the Palestinian problem. The first Intifada had a significant impact on Palestinians in Israel, in terms of their sentimental identification with Palestinians in the Occupied Territories and their violent resistance against Israeli occupation. Although Palestinians in Israel did not take part in the uprising, they have undergone a profound transformation in their identification, and begin to associate themselves with the Palestinian national struggle. This tendency continues during the years of the peace process between Israel and the PLO, a process that excluded the Palestinians in Israel from the resolution of the Palestinian problem, further inducing them to consider their future collective status in Israel.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts

This chapter examines the second dilemma in the design of governance strategies, which relates to strictness of control. Leaders must choose whether to monitor and regulate behavior loosely or intensively. This is certainly true with regard to control of the everyday conduct of citizens through surveillance and policing. A similar choice must be made in the economic sphere, between a command economy and free markets. And the dilemma arises again within the apparatus of the state itself. For example, central government must decide whether to exercise more or less supervision over lower levels of government. Moreover, within each level of government, political leaders must decide whether to give more or less autonomy to bureaucrats charged with implementing their policies. In all of these contexts, similar calculations about the right measure of control must be made.


Author(s):  
Sophie Richter-Devroe

Chapter 3 deals with women’s less spectacular strategies of quotidian resistance and survival—ṣumūd, as they are often referred to in Palestine. Classic political analysis might consider the silent, ordinary acts that women practice on a daily basis uninteresting, or irrelevant for political change. But the fact that women’s everyday resistance is largely covert does not render it apolitical or without broader significance. The Israeli occupation and settler-colonial policies reach into and dominate the very fine grain of Palestinian everyday life; the everyday and the ordinary today has become a major site where politics is enacted. This chapter argues that women with their daily mundane struggles resist not only the physical occupation of their land and people, but they also the occupation of their mind.


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