scholarly journals Religious Moderatism versus Conservatism in Indonesia: Controversy of ‘Islam Nusantara’ during Joko Widodo’s Administration

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Hamdani

The current trend of social and political fracture among Indonesian people has permeated many aspects of life, including religious domain. While moderate Muslims are still majority, the voice of conservative and also element of radical Muslim groups has shown a great militancy in campaigning for their agenda. Rivalry among those groups in the public discourse is unavoidable. This study examines the contested idea of ‘Islam Nusantara’ in the effort to campaign for moderate and friendly Islam in the early of Joko Widodo’s administration. Since conservative and radical factions have rejected the idea of Pancasila state, accusing of other Muslims of being kafir (apostasy) and the spirit to eliminate local cultures, their counterparts use different agenda and approach. The moderate Muslims use the concept of Islam Nusantara to campaign for the concept of Islam and nationalism, respect for diversity and cultural approaches. This study reveals the different point of view of Muslim groups regarding the concept and practice of Islam Nusantara which has become a controversy since the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) used it as the main theme in the 33rd congress. Although ‘Islam Nusantara’ is not a new term in the discourse of Indonesian Islam, the contestation and consensus have produced a new fragmentation of religious opinions among Indonesian Muslims. This research aims to explore the sociology of knowledge among Indonesian Muslims whose inclination has been devided into two big streams of moderate and conservative wing.

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotta Lehti

The article shows that while public discourse is claimed to be undergoing a process of conversationalisation – i.e. adopting features of casual and informal communicative situations – this process does not apply to any great extent to French politicians’ blogs. The parameters investigated in a corpus of 80 politicians’ blog posts during September 2007 are private and informal topics, and conversation-like interaction. The main focus of the study is on the minority of blogs in the material which are in fact conversationalised. These blogs are examined from the point of view of persuasion, as devices in constructing a credible image of the author. The results show that while these few conversationalised blogs construct an image of the author as an ‘ordinary’ person close to the public, the majority of the blogs create an authorial image as a remote political expert. The extent to which the construction of a lay image is successful, however, is questioned in the analysis.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dobryninas ◽  
M. Dobrynina ◽  
I. Česnienė ◽  
V. Giedraitis ◽  
R. Merkevičius

Santrauka. Kriminalinė justicija suprantama kaip socialinės kontrolės sistema, kuri per atitinkamą įstatymų leidybą, praktikas bei institucijas užtikrina nusikaltimų kontrolę ir prevenciją bei taiko poveikio priemones teisės pažeidėjams. Kriminalinės justicijos paskirtis demokratinėje visuomenėje atitinka jos narius vienijantį bendrą socialinį interesą – gyventi saugioje ir solidarioje visuomenėje, kurioje kiekvienam jos piliečiui yra užtikrinamas tinkamas saugumo lygis, paisoma jų teisių, o teisingumas vykdomas visiems vienodai ir teisingai. Nors Vakarų civilizacijos kriminalinės justicijos principams yra daugiau kaip du šimtai metų, jų įgyvendinimas visuomenėje nėra mechaninis ir priklauso nuo įvairių istorinių, kultūrinių, geografinių bei globalaus vystymosi aplinkybių. Straipsnyje, remiantis fenomenologinės sociologinės požiūriu, analizuojamos kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos konstravimo aspektai profesiniame lauke, jo sąsajos su makro (ekonomikos) bei mikro (psichologijos) socialiniais veiksniais, masinių medijų įtaka kriminalinės justicijos suvokimui visuomenėje. Atsižvelgiama ne tik į relevantiškas šiai problemai teorinius šaltinius, bet ir atliktos fokusuotų grupinių diskusijų rezultatus. Pirmame poskyryje analizuojami profesiniai teisiniai kriminalinės justicijos apibrėžimo aspektai, antrame – demonstruojami, kaip ekonominiai procesai gali keisti politinius kriminalinės justicijos tikslus. Trečias poskyris nagrinėja psichologinius veiksnius, kurie gali įtakoti paprastų žmonių sampratą apie kriminalinę justiciją. Ketvirtas poskyris pristato komunikacinius kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos visuomenėje aspektus.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kriminalinė justicija, diskursai, ekonominiai ciklai, psichologinė recepcija, masinės medijos. Keywords: criminal justice, discourses, economic circles, psychological reception, mass media.ABSTRACT  On Perceptions of Criminal Justice in SocietyThe perception of criminal justice in society is a controversial social problem. Traditionally, criminal justice issues have been treated as a matter of professional interest for criminologists, criminal justice experts and other professionals from related fields. But is expert knowledge the only valid kind when it comes to criminal justice topics? This question, though rhetorical, is aimed at stimulating discussion about the co-existence of different types of social knowledge on criminal justice, and their impact on various discourses concerning crime and punishment in society. In this article a group of researchers from Vilnius University makes use of phenomenological methods to analyse three different types of discourse on criminal justice: professional, political and public. The professional discourse on criminal justice is scrutinised from the perspective of penal law, the political discourse from the point of view of macroeconomics, while the public discourse is analysed using ideas drawn from psychology and media studies. The analysis of these discourses seeks to examine the social construction of criminal justice, and the particularities of its reception among professionals, politicians and a wider public.


Author(s):  
Zeynep Zafer

The flow of refugees and displaced people from the present territories of Bulgaria to the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic continued more than a century. In the scientific researches the refugee problem usually is considered from the political and historic point of view, the authors basing their studies mainly on official documents, treaties and bilateral agreements, protocols and reports preserved in different archives, in which personal experiences and human stories are lacking. The memories and the impressions of victims and witnesses shared in memoirs and in the press present the most vivid, intimate and realistic human stories. Some of the popular newspapers published testimonies and papers of the eviction from 1969 - 1978 which took place in the frame of a bilateral agreement. Three series of reportages published from the beginning of 1968 to the end of 1969 testified about the realistic attitudes of the Turkish minority, the personal drama of some of its representatives (leaving or staying in the totalitarian state) in the stormiest and full of tension years of negotiation, signing and starting the limited emigration. The aim of this research is to present the public discourse in Turkey about this exodus which have not found proper place in the researches.


Author(s):  
Natalie Naimark-Goldberg

This chapter discusses the role of personal correspondence as a vehicle for circulating ideas and opinions of enlightened Jewish women. The network of correspondence they sustained with many people in many cities in the German lands and even further afield constituted from their point of view a crucial means of participating in cultural discourse. Personal letters were an important channel through which these women could not only expand their horizons and acquire knowledge, but also demonstrate their intellectual abilities and participate in public discourse on literature, theatre, politics, and religion, among many other subjects. Thus, a study of their correspondence enables one to assess the involvement of these Jewish women in the contemporary world of culture — an involvement at times hidden from the public gaze and partly revealed in their epistles. Women also employed the epistolary form in order to participate in the intellectual activity of the Haskalah, but this happened only in a later period.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Vasen

The article analyzes the signals received by social researchers in Mexico regarding the type of production expected from them in merit pay programs. The institutional public discourse embodied in official documents is contrasted with the description of the evaluation carried out by the evaluators themselves. The research is based in document analysis and semi-structured interviews to evaluators. The main conclusion of the study is that there is an asymmetry between the public discourse of the institutions and the behaviors that are rewarded in the evaluation practices themselves. While the political discourse  promotes a model of researcher committed to knowledge transfer and mobilization activities , academic evaluation practices encourage a classic academic profile. These contradictions could be explained by the ability of scientists to influence the content of policies in pursuit of their own interests. On the other hand, from the point of view of policymakers, the weight that international publications have for university rankings could exempt scientists from giving another justification for the importance of their work.


Author(s):  
Ksenia M. Shilikhina

the paper discusses the use of irony in modern public diplomatic discourse. The aim of the study is to describe the functions of irony in diplomatic communication and to show how ironic comments affect communication at the international level. The research is based on the speeches by Russian diplomats and official representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, as well as their publications and comments in social networks. Diplomatic discourse is carried out on the basis of diplomatic protocol and, ideally, should follow the requirements of explicitness, argumentativeness, and minimal emotionality. At the same time, an important property of this sphere of communication is competitiveness (agonality), which is associated with defending the interests of the state on the international level and manifests itself in the explicit competition of various points of view. The study suggests that in modern diplomatic discourse, there are frequent cases of deviations from the diplomatic protocol, when speakers use irony as a way of expressing an implicit critical assessment. Irony accompanies explicit critical assessments of events or actions of diplomats of other states and, as a rule, appears where there is an aggravation of international relations. Tactics used by the speakers to create irony make it easy for the addressee to recognize it. Since the purpose of ironic comments is to show the inconsistency of the opponents’ position, irony allows the speaker not only to express critical assessment of their statements or actions, but also to demonstrate the superiority of the stated point of view on events. Alternatively, it can be a sign of disappointment due to a diplomatic loss. In the context of intercultural communication at the state level, irony violates not only the requirements of diplomatic protocol, but also the principle of politeness, so it can be viewed as an instrument of confrontational agonality, which does not imply a constructive dialogue.


Stylistyka ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 347-359
Author(s):  
Bernadetta Ciesek-Ślizowska

The aim of the article is to shape the field of scientific exploration which is opening in the internet space as a social archive. It is a space for building herstories – women’s histories as well as social memory about them. The author refers to the definition of herstory by presenting a variety of contexts in which the concept functions: ideological, scientific, and that which is created by bottom-up initiatives of social archival science. Herstoric discourse, being shaped in the space of digital social archives, fits into the intense and changing public discourse on equality. A discursive overview of herstory will enhance our knowledge not only of equality/ anti-discriminative discourse regulations, but also about civil or urban discourse. What is more, it will provide new findings on the topic of women’s style and point of view. There are also valuable social effects of discursive interest in herstories – they can contribute to including women’s histories, their voices and way of thinking about the world into the public sphere.


PARADIGMI ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 157-168
Author(s):  
Paolo Monti

- R. Audi and J. Habermas share, despite their mutual differences, the goal of rethinking the relationship between public discourse and religious inspirations in a new way, with the aim of overcoming the inadequacy of traditional liberal schemes. Both focus on the issue at stake from the point of view of a possible ethics of citizenship and find a key point in the epistemological position of religious discourse inside the public sphere. Audi's proposal effectively offers normative boundaries to a public ethics of political arguments of religious nature, within a liberal but fairly inclusive perspective. Habermas' reflection looks more persuasive at the level of premises, as it radically questions the epistemological issue behind public discourse in liberal democracies.Keywords: Audi, Habermas, Religion, Democracy, Public discourse, Secularism.Parole chiave: Audi, Habermas, Religione, Democrazia, Discorso pubblico, Laicitŕ.


Author(s):  
Ellen Kristvik

AbstractThis article addresses conflicting concerns related to space for mourning in Norway. It draws on material from qualitative interviews with bereaved parents who have lost a child in stillbirth. Space for mourning, and the need for sick leave, arose as a crucial concern and complex issue in these interviews. Although initiatives have been developed to introduce grief as a valid category in diagnostic repertoires, it is not a legitimate basis for sick leave in the acute phase. Common alternatives have been referrals to psychic instability or depression. Both variations represent a medicalization of the normal with implications that need to be addressed, and which this article discusses from the bereaved parents’ point of view. Extended parental leave, and the introduction of grief allowance, are possible alternatives for the provision of space in normal but demanding times of grief. Despite not yet part of the repertoire for gatekeepers in the Norwegian welfare state, they are part of the public discourse. Besides a crucial acknowledgment of the grief of the parents, these options also represent possibilities for preventing a pathologization of what is a normal rite of passage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Muhaimin Muhaimin ◽  
Abd Wahab

<p>This article aims to describe some questioned points of political roles of santris seem like; the understanding of social transformation and its regulatory process inside government, how they articulated, participated, and sounded their ambitions become a regulation, then the last is how they build the dialog beyond political and social interests between both process. This research took places in Jember Region. One of small-town in East Java which Santri and Nahdlatul Ulama’ had significant roles, weather in social and political conducts. In the end, this article conclude that; first there are tree missions how santri articulate their understanding of Islamic point of view to become substance regulation aspect, in term; conservatism, progressivism, and moderate. Second, modes of participations are based on <em>al Maslahah al Ummah </em>(common good) as main orientation, were not just becoming intellectual mouth-pieces of government. Third, ideologically, the relation and dialectical tension beyond santri and government were criticism. It means santris were becoming the critical partner of government to formulate the public policy.</p>


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