scholarly journals PERFORMANCE OF UMNO AND PARTI AMANAH NEGARA (AMANAH) IN THE GE-14 AND POST GE-14

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 30-58
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Deputy Minister

The 14th General Election, 2018 (GE-14, 2018) has taken place and is finished with calm and full of surprises. For the first time, the Barisan Nasional (BN), which was promoted by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), has lost its main opposition party, namely Pakatan Harapan (PH) using the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) logo along with the Parti Warisan Sabah (WARISAN). Thus, BN/UMNO also failed to defend its power after 63 years of mastering the rule of the Federal Government. The atmosphere of euphoria or the feeling of excitement among the people in this country is the result of the GE13 2018 demands for the necessity of a new Federal Government regime that is different from the previous BN government rule. The new atmosphere is also called ‘New Malaysia’. The results of the 2018 General Election can be highlighted in the performance of political parties competing in the GE. In the context of this article, UMNO and AMANAH were chosen to analyze the performance of the political party in the 2018 General Election because of UMNO’s status as an old political party (founded in 1946) while AMANAH is a newly formed political party in 2015 which is a PAS splinter party. It is important to see the old party's performance experienced in the political and governance (UMNO); and realistic, professional, progressive, and dynamic new party (AMANAH) formed as a result of the original party (PAS) was not suitable for mixed ethnicity in this country and seen as a conservative party. The writing of this paper uses primary data (the result of GE2018) and secondary data processing (information from published sources) that are critically and rationally analyzed and based on current ‘real politics’ in the country. The findings show that although UMNO as a spear in BN has lost federal and state levels the political party still retains control over the majority of Malay ethnic voters in rural areas. UMNO managed to dominate Pahang and Perlis State Governments in addition to being the majority opposition in parliament. AMANAH, however despite not contesting many parliamentary and state seats resulting from the distribution of election seats among the parties in PH but still managed to win seats in urban and semi-urban areas composed of mixed ethnic groups. People's representative from AMANAH also managed to oversee the post of the Chief Minister in the State of Malacca besides receiving the post of EXCO in several State Governments as well as the post of Minister and Deputy Minister at the Federal level. After the PRU 2018, it appears that there are some scenarios in the current issue that involve the continuity of UMNO and AMANAH politics which may affect the direction of the two parties towards the next general election.

scholarly journals MELAKA IN MALAYSIAN GEOPOLITICS ON PRE GE-14, GE-14 AND POST GE-14

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
The State ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
The People ◽  
First Time

Malacca is a state that has a mix of voters of 58 percent of voters are ethnic Malays. Malay voters in the state known for its rigid and fanatical supporters of UMNO makes the majority of Malays in the country contributed to a major victory for the BN/UMNO in the general election. The state is known for its legendary Hang Tuah with the slogan "Tak Melayu Hilang Di Dunia" has loyal voters who support UMNO is also a sacred Malay party since before independence. But since the 2008 general election, Chinese voters who originally also supported BN have turned to DAP and other opposition component parties. Urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese voters continue to be dominated by DAP and its allied opposition parties. The culmination of the 14th General Election (GE), 2018, finally the state fell to the opposition party pact, Pakatan Harapan (PH) with a slim majority with 15 DUNs won by PH compared to 13 DUNs controlled by BN. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the State of Melaka in Malaysian geopolitics in the pre-GE-14, GE-14, and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that PH's success in capturing the Melaka from BN is an amazing event and beyond the expectations of all parties. However, the political change was due to national issues and the determination to bring down BN by voters, especially the young or first-time voters. Although PH managed to capture the Melaka PH only won with a slim majority of only 2 DUNs. PH win in urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese and the BN/UMNO continues to excel in the rural areas and the majority ethnic Malays. Then when BERSATU left PH and formed the National Alliance (PN) together with BN/UMNO, PAS, GPS, and GBS which controlled the Federal Government in March 2020 then the Melaka State Government also fell from PH to PN led by BN as a result of the party jump by two BERSATU assemblymen, one PKR assemblyman and one DAP assemblyman made PN controls 17 DUN seats while PH only has 11 DUN seats left. Such is the science of politics, nothing is impossible and politics itself is dynamic, artistic, and sometimes difficult to anticipate. Therefore, all parties must accept the political decision of the people of Melaka and give the opportunity to the leadership of the State Government to carry out their responsibilities as rulers in this state to implement the manifesto or 'commitment' during the five years of their rule in this historic state.

scholarly journals Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Special Edition ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Country

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.

Financial inclusion and socioeconomic development: gaps and solution

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (7) ◽  
pp. 1122-1140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shailesh Rastogi ◽  
Ragabiruntha E.
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Structural Model ◽  
Reliability And Validity ◽  
Financial Inclusion ◽  
Degree Of Freedom ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Content Type

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify factors relevant for financial inclusion (FI) and establish a model that shows how these factors lead to economic development (ED) through FI. Design/methodology/approach Primary data were collected through structured questionnaire. Out of 350, 311 respondents accurately filled the questionnaire. The data were collected from rural areas of Tamil Nadu. Exploratory factor analysis has been applied to evaluate drivers/factors relevant for FI. Confirmatory factor analysis has been applied to establish reliability and validity of the identified factors. A structural model has been proposed and empirically tested for ED through FI. Findings The main findings of the current paper are as follows: online banking (OB), understanding banking services (UBS) and financial literacy (FL) are the drivers of FI; FI can lead to ED, as the proposed model of ED, through FI, is supported in the paper (χ2/degree of freedom and CMIN/degree of freedom are less than 3; GFI and AGFI are more than 0.90 and 0.85, respectively). Behavior of the people, with respect to mode of financial transactions, has changed due to demonetization. (The χ2 test for mode of financial transaction is significant). Research limitations/implications The geographical reach of the sample should cover the whole India. The sample should also have equal representation from rural and urban areas. Practical implications The identified factors for FI (OB, UBS and FL) should be more focused to bring about better results for FI in India. These factors can lead to a more effective execution of FI initiatives. In addition to this, policy makers can be confident of relying upon FI as a tool for ED. Originality/value The identified three drivers for FI have not been explored earlier. In addition to this, ED (through FI) in the form of structural model has also not been tested earlier. Government of India can realign their policies toward FI by using findings of this paper. In addition to increasing the access of formal financial system to masses, more thrust can be given to OB and FL for better results of FI in India.

scholarly journals Are Female Leaders Good for Education? Evidence from India

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irma Clots-Figueras
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Causal Effect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Data ◽  
Female Leaders ◽  
Educational Levels ◽  
Quasi Experimental ◽  
Unique Dataset

This paper shows that the gender of politicians affects the educational levels of individuals who grow up in the districts where these politicians are elected. A unique dataset collected on politicians in India is matched with individual data by cohort and district of residence. The political data allow the identification of close elections between women and men, which yield quasi-experimental election outcomes used to estimate the causal effect of the gender of politicians. Increasing female political representation increases the probability that an individual will attain primary education in urban areas, but not in rural areas, and not in the sample as a whole. (JEL D72, I20, J16, 015, 017)

Ideological Sorting of Physicians in Both Geography and the Workplace

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1023-1057
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica ◽  
Howard Rosenthal ◽  
Kristy Blackwood ◽  
David J. Rothman
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Geographic Area ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Employment Decisions ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Physician Shortages ◽  
Distribution Of Physicians

Abstract Context: The distribution of physicians across geography and employers has important implications for the delivery of medical services. This study examines how the political beliefs of physicians influence their decisions about where to live and work. Methods: Physician relocation and employment patterns are analyzed with a panel constructed from the National Provider Identifier directory. Data on political donations are used to measure the political preferences of physicians. Findings: The “ideological fit” between a physician and his or her community is a key predictor of both relocation and employment decisions. A Democratic physician in a predominantly Republican area is twice as likely to relocate as a Republican counterpart living there; the reverse is also true for Republicans living in Democratic areas. Physicians who do not share the political orientation of their colleagues are more likely to change workplaces within the same geographic area. Conclusions: Physicians are actively sorting along political lines. Younger physicians have trended sharply to the left and are increasingly drawn to urban areas with physician surpluses and away from rural areas suffering from physician shortages. The findings also help explain why physician shortages are more prevalent among left-leaning specialties such as psychiatry.

Modi will lose much rural support

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Rural Population ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
General Election ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Agricultural Output ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
Education And Employment ◽  
Farm Debt

Significance As the 2019 general election approaches, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is trying to secure the backing of India’s rural population, which is some two-thirds of the country’s total. Modi has encouraged state governments to waive farm debt worth up to 2.8 trillion rupees (39 billion dollars); suggested a procurement formula guaranteeing farmers a return of at least 1.5 times their costs of production; and promised to double farm incomes by 2022. Meanwhile, landowning castes are increasingly demanding opportunities in education and employment away from rural areas. Impacts State governments will try to pay off farm debts by issuing bonds. In election campaigning, opposition parties will claim to champion rural interests. An average 2018 monsoon should boost agricultural output.

Mexico tax complaints will fan state-federal tensions

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Small Proportion ◽  
Regional Inequality ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
The Law

Subject Tax tensions. Significance The governors of four states joined forces on April 17 to seek a new fiscal agreement with the federal government. They argue that the 1978 Fiscal Coordination Law (also known as the Fiscal Pact), which establishes a formula by which taxes are transferred to the federal government and redistributed among Mexico’s 32 states, is unfair and that they receive only a small proportion of the resources they contribute. They intend to produce proposals to amend the law this month. Impacts The complaining governors could become leading opposition figures against AMLO and his government. AMLO’s perceived COVID-19 failings will harm his popularity, potentially benefiting governors with presidential ambitions. All states need to increase taxes to curb regional inequality, but this will be resisted by many owing to the political costs of taxation. As long as the current Fiscal Pact remains unchanged, opacity and dependency will define dealings between federal and state governments.

scholarly journals Electoral behaviour in the Kraków metropolitan area: 1993–2011

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Radosław Linkowski
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
The City

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to describe changes in support for the four principal political options (‘right’, ‘left’, ‘liberal’, ‘peasant’) available in the Kraków Metropolitan Area (KMA) in parliamentary elections in the period 1993–2011. The electoral behaviour of the residents of the various KMA zones became increasingly similar in the study period. The political ‘distance’ between the northern commuter zone of the KMA (part of the Russian partition in the 19th c.) and the rest of the KMA, decreased significantly. The suburban zone of Kraków also changed over the course of the study period by becoming significantly similar to the city in terms of voting behaviour. This political change was largely due to substantial social and economic changes in the rural parts of the metropolitan area. Urban areas in the KMA were much more stable in their voting patterns and tended to politically resemble one another much more than rural areas. The city of Kraków and the southern part of its commuter zone – part of the Austrian partition in the 19th c. – were characterized by fewer fluctuations in voting behaviour than the two remaining parts of the KMA.

scholarly journals Muhammadiyah’s Moderation Stance in the 2019 General Election: Critical Views from Within

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Haedar Nashir ◽  
Zuly Qodir ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi ◽  
Hasse Jubba ◽  
Mega Hidayati
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Focus Group Discussions ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
Middle Way ◽  
Grass Root ◽  
Grass Root Level ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Moderate Position

This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]

Zambia's effort to avoid IMF bailout faces headwinds

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Food Prices ◽  
General Election ◽  
Gdp Growth ◽  
Fiscal Deficit ◽  
Economic Shocks ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Finance Minister

Subject Outlook for the Zambian budget. Significance On October 9, finance minister Alexander Chikwanda presented the 2016 state budget. It predicts strong GDP growth (4.6%) and targets a narrower fiscal deficit (from 6.9% to 3.8% next year), both positive signals to reassure donors, investors and ratings agencies. However, with a general election looming in less than a year and a confluence of economic shocks, his optimistic outlook rings hollow. Impacts Lungu's slim (1.7%) victory in the January presidential by-election increases his vulnerability to populist expenditure pressures. However, the effects of the economic crunch (such as higher food prices) will be worst in urban areas -- not his core constituency. Social and infrastructure spending such as the roads programme will instead focus on rural areas. Opposition divisions, along with backing from former presidents and the Daily Nation newspaper, increase his chances for re-election.

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