scholarly journals IDEOLOGY OF CIVILIZATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY OF RUSSIA (IN THE CONTEXT OF RUSSIA-WEST RELATIONS)

Author(s):  
V.Yu. Darenskiy

This article examines the objective prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of civilizational sovereignty of Russia (ideology of mobilization type) in the context of Russia - West relations. Currently, the carrier of ideology is not the state (it is prohibited by the Constitution of the Russian Federation), but civil society - and the ideology is not so much political as civilizational (spiritual and cultural), providing mental, cultural and moral unity of society. However, in this capacity, ideology still performs its classical political function of ensuring the political and ideological mobilization of people in the form of their political consciousness development. Modern Russian society can effectively develop any new social institutions and forms of social activity necessary for the development of modern man-made civilization, but the intellectual and moral degradation of people, which has been going on for several decades as a consequence of the development of “consumer society”, destroys the human resource of Russia in qualitative terms. Only the model of “mobilization society”, which is a legacy of traditional civilization, can resist this. In modern conditions, ideology cannot be, as it was in the era of classical ideologies, a set of unified theses and definitions. The modern non-classical “mobilization ideology” of the Russian civil society is not a set of initially defined concepts, but a set of basic values that can be interpreted individually, based on different worldview positions. Only in this case the ideological consolidation of society is possible, otherwise the described state of ideological chaos will remain insurmountable.

Author(s):  
Vladimir K. Levashov ◽  

The monograph presents the results of sociological research on the project “The political culture of the Russian society in the transition to a new technological structure and implementation Of the strategy of scientific and technological development of the Russian Federation and the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation from 07.05.2018 № 204 «On national goals and strategic objectives of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2024»”. The all-Russian survey was conducted in May-June 2019 in 22 regions of the Russian Federation. The study of the structure and nature of citizens’ opinions on national development goals and digital society shows that the Russian society has formed the initial elements of the fundamental components of an innovative political culture: knowledge, beliefs and attitudes for the actual behavior of citizens in terms of the introduction and use of information and communication technologies and the implementation of national projects. The problematic situation is identified and described in the monograph, according to the author, requires a thought-out and verified program of political actions, both on the part of the Government of the Russian Federation and on the part of civil society institutions in order to create a high cognitive, labor motivation in this strategically decisive area of life of the Russian society. The urgency, scale and complexity of the tasks require the unification of the efforts of civil society with a leading role and strategic coordination of state actions. The monograph summarizes the results of sociological research on topical issues on the agenda of Russian society and the state, and can be useful for management personnel of state and municipal administration, production organizers, managers of social and educational institutions, researchers, University teachers, graduate students and students.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 133-139
Author(s):  
E. A. GRIBENNIKOVA ◽  

The article considers the issue of interaction between the state and civil society, analyzes the main approaches and models of such interaction. The author notes the important consolidating role played by public and public Advisory Councils under state authorities in Russian society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 93-101
Author(s):  
V.A. Antoshin ◽  
◽  
A.V. Antoshin ◽  
K.I. Kolesnikova ◽  

This study analyzed the phenomenon of youth protest activity in modern Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify the specifics of the formation and development of the phenomenon of youth protest in the Russian Federation. Currently, there is an increase in social tension among young people, which is due to a large number of phenomena and factors. By analyzing the cases of protest activity in the Russian Federation over the past 10 years, their causes, mechanisms of organization, actors, stages, resources, and results have been identified in the dynamics. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological studies of protest activity of modern Russian youth and cases of protest activity, the article analyzes value orientations, dynamics and trends in the development of this phenomenon, presents concepts containing an analysis of the specifics of social protest, considers factors associated with the strengthening of various effects of the influence of digital communications on the political interaction of citizens and processes associated with the complexity of the nature and structure of political communication. Two structural levels of the system of social factors of protest behavior are identified: individual protest behavior and protest social movement, the most significant factors of protest social activity of young people are characterized. Based on the analysis of the results of a number of sociological studies devoted to the study of the role of digital communications on the protest social activity of Russian youth, it is concluded that the influence of digital networks on the political activity of citizens is increasing, while at present there is not a decrease in the civic activity of young people, but a change in the models of their participation in political events.


2020 ◽  
pp. 28-35
Author(s):  
R.G. Saifullin

In the article are formulated the main features of civil society. Among them the most important is the social activity of the citizens. It is characterized as low in modern Russia, which indicates the undeveloped nature of civil society. The reasons for this are analysed from a bio-social perspective. It is shown that for the effective functioning and development of civil society, certain types of energy should prevail in its structure. The biological mechanisms of the appearance of these types in the inertial phase are analyzed. It is concluded that the full functioning of civil society in the modern West was facilitated by the presence of leading Western ethnic groups in this phase and that the energy structure of Russian society is currently radically different from the energy structure of Western societies during the inertial phase. Therefore, the functioning of a full-fledged civil society in Russia seems unlikely in the near future. The forecast is that the formation of a full-fledged civil society in Russia is possible in the second half of this century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 599-619
Author(s):  
Olga V. Popova ◽  
Oleg V. Lagutin

The article analyzes the state of mass political consciousness of Russian youth based on the results of the study conducted in the spring of 2019 in four regions of the Russian Federation: Altai Kray, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions, and St. Petersburg. As a result of the analysis, the authors were able to identify several groups of young people that significantly differ in their attitudes regarding their potential political activity and the methods they actually use to realize the interests of their socio-demographic group, as well as trust in political and social institutions. Young people are differentiated into 8 groups according to the dominant type of political behavior and into 4 groups according to their level of institutional trust.


Author(s):  
Hannu Nieminen

There is no immediate or absolute relationship between the media and democracy in the sense that, without media, there could be no democracy. Similarly, it does not follow that with the (modern) media comes democracy. Autocracies exist wherein the media supports a political system, and likewise, democracies exist wherein the media works to undermine a political system. However, most often the media and democracy are viewed as supporting each other. This connection is the product of a long historical development, one peculiar to European (and North American) societies, involving not only institutions and practices directly linked to the media-based and democratic processes, but numerous other institutions (such as education, the political system, religion, etc.) as well. The media are not the only institutions that promote (or do not promote) democratic legitimacy. Other major institutions of such influence include education, religion, public authority, cultural institutions, and political systems, among others. From a wider societal viewpoint, the role of the media is rather reduced in influence. If, for example, an education system is based on ethnic or other forms of segregation, or if there is widespread religious intolerance, or if public authority suffers from corruption, it is obvious that the media has only so many resources to encourage systemic legitimacy. The fundamental interrelatedness of different social institutions makes it difficult, or even impossible, to study the media as a phenomenon isolated from the rest of society. For this reason, we should be careful when making comparisons between the media in different countries, even the media outlets within liberal democracies. In addition, there is no consensus as to the right balance of media and other social institutions in a democracy. Throughout the history of democracy, the relations between institutions (the political system, economy, media, and civil society) have undergone renegotiations and adjustments during times of crisis. Over the past few decades, this relationship appears to have reached a new crisis, one that continues to this day and still lacks a clear solution. In many countries, civil society–based media reform movements have been established with clear goals to further democratize media systems. One of the key arguments of these movements has centered on the contradiction between the constitutional obligations of democratic countries and the reality that, in practice, these rights do not apply equally to all. There remain major differences today between different social groups in terms of open access to and the unrestricted availability of information, the ability to utilize information according to one’s needs, having a voice represented by decision-makers, and respect for privacy and personal integrity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana R. Fatykhova ◽  
Alexandr I. Ostroumov ◽  
Olga F. Ostroumova

The article examines the issue of modernization of the political system of Russia. Formation of a democratic political system is an integral part of Russia's modernization strategy. The relevance and objective need to develop an innovative strategy for the modernization of the political sphere of life in Russian society is determined by the inefficiency of existing political institutions, outdated principles, methods, technologies of organization and management, their inconsistency with modern realities, effective resolution of internal problems and global external challenges. The objective meaning of modernization is determined by modern Russian conditions, the nature of issues and contradictions that require their urgent solution.The study purpose is to develop a strategy for the innovative development of the political system of the Russian Federation. Achievement of this goal requires consideration of the basic conditions and contradictions of the modern development of the political system of the Russian Federation, the most important areas and priorities that contribute to its modernization.As a methodological base for the study, the work includes the following approaches and methods: systemic, structural-functional approaches, sociological, logical, historical and comparative methods, as well as analysis of conditions and contradictions that need to be resolved and contribute to the modernization of the political life of modern Russia.As a research result, we came to the following conclusions: 1. Modernization of the political system of the Russian Federation is an objectively necessary process. However, it is not the result of consensus, but a competition between innovators, conservatives and observers. 2. The strategic goal of modernizing the political system of Russian society is to make Russia one of the leading sovereign powers, with a republican democratic form of government, in which a person lives freely and comfortably. 3. Modernization of the political system shall cover the institutional (state, parties), communicative, regulatory and spiritual and ideological subsystems of Russia. 4. The result of democratic modernization of the political system shall be the formation of political institutions that really reflect and express the interests of social groups and strata and contribute to the formation of solidary community. 5. Creation of a system of ideas and values understandable to the majority of the population, and capable of uniting various layers and groups to carry out modernization. 6. As a result of modernization of the political system as a system of determining goals and priorities, the innovative mechanism becomes an inherent attribute of the development of Russian society. This is the strategic goal of modernization in Russia


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-29
Author(s):  
A. V. Shchekoturov

The article examines the phenomenon of social media from the perspective of the McDonaldization theory. The author considers social media as inextricably linked with the consumer society systems to show that such media have become a new McDonaldized institution, the study of which provides new theoretical and methodological possibilities. The article provides an overview of the studies proving the increasing McDonaldizing effect on various social institutions of the Russian society, and considers social media in terms of factors of the McDonaldization theory. Two social networks - Facebook and VK - are described in G. Ritzer’s concepts of ‘nothing’ and ‘something’ as the McDonaldized institutions. The author identifies the theoretical-methodological significance of considering social media as McDonaldized institutions; shows that social media functionally correspond to all five factors of Ritzer’s McDonaldization; explains why the social network Facebook is a grobalized form of ‘nothing’ and, thus, a driving force of globalization, while the social network VK is a glocal form of ‘nothing’ and, thus, creates unique meanings at the border of local and global levels. One of such new meanings is that the VK reflects the traditional interpretation of gender identity, sexual orientation and marriage. The author concludes that social media are a McDonaldized institution that can become a new research optics, which presupposes the use of mixed methods research.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Mikhailovna Akimova

This article explores the establishment of civil society in Vladimir Governorate between the February and October Revolutions of 1917. Women for the first time became legally its full-fledged subject. Based on the documents preserved in the State Archive of Vladimir Region, State Archive of the Russian Federation, press materials (newspapers “Staryi Vladimirets”, “Vladimirskaya Zhizn”, "Svobodny Muromsky Golos”), the author examines the perception of the political events of that time by women of the governorate; outlines the urgent problems that women were concerned with; describes attitude towards the received suffrage and areas of manifestation of their social activity; as well as perception of the new in women’s rights by male part of the population. After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the important steps were taken towards establishment of civil society with women being its full-fledged subject. Among the residents were not engaged in the revolutionary movement, most activity demonstrated the townswomen. They supported the implementation of universal suffrage, created women's communities, and participated in the discussion of urgent problems. Peasant women were mainly concerned with survivability of their families during difficult times. They were not familiar with the political life of the country and governorate, and unaffected by electoral campaigns into the district self-governance. This was justified by their tough financial situation, patriarchal structure in families, and lack of education.


Author(s):  
Ihor Rushchenko

The article discusses the differences between societal values in the European Union, the Russian Federation and Ukraine. According to the author's hypothesis, the current Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war is triggered not by interests but by the idea of imposing and maintaining the dominance of certain values. The empirical basis of the research is derived from a poll of experts conducted by the author during the II Kharkiv International Security Forum on November 29–30, 2019. As a part of survey methodology, a group of experts (50 respondents) was asked to assess the importance of societal values from the list (which consisted of 30 positions) in accordance with three locations — the EU countries, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. A seven-digit ordinal scale (0 to 6) was used for evaluation. The list includes social values that are (or are not) essential for building a certain type of a social system. The findings of the study demonstrate that the top-10 social values in the EU and the Russian Federation are completely different. The EU countries: 1) Rule of Law, 2) Human Rights, 3) Private Property, 4) Democracy, 5) Person as Such, 6) Peaceful Existence, 7) Economic Efficiency, 8) Self-Identity (Me), 9) Liberty, 10) Civil Society. RF: 1) Victory in World War II, 2) National leader, 3) Army, 4) State, 5) Vodka, 6) Social Hierarchy, 7) Ideology, 8) Money, 9) Church, 10) Violence. The Ukrainian society occupies an intermediate position between the European and Russian civilization systems. The top-10 values in Ukraine are: 1) Money, 2) Freedom, 3) Army, 4) Children, 5) Peaceful existence, 6) Family, 7) Land, 8) Democracy, 9) Church, 10) State. The Ukrainian value system has not been fully developed, and the survey revealed that there is a shift of the value system towards the values of the united Europe. The dominant values in the EU countries are humanistic in their principles and create the foundation for the development of civil society. Meanwhile the principal Russian values are focused on strengthening the militarized state and rejection of European tradition by Russian society.


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