THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNITED PROVINCES POLICY AT THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA CONGRESS AND THE PEACE OF MÜNSTER CONCLUSION

Author(s):  
Michail Belyayev

The Northern Netherlands fought for liberation from Spanish rule for 80 years. The country needed peace and confirmation of sovereignty. Spain, weakened by the war, was also interested in a peace treaty conclusion. Dutch-Spanish negotiations at the Peace of Westphalia Congress had not been held until January, 1646. The parties relatively quickly agreed on the basic terms of the agreement. They managed to resolve the issues of colonial conquest, trade, and the closure of the Scheldt. The contradictions, remained unresolved, concerned the position of the Catholic religion on the Lands of the Generality. However, there was no unity regarding the conclusion of peace in the republic itself. The province of Zeeland opposed the conclusion of the treaty. Despite this fact, in January 1647 a preliminary peace agreement was signed. It should come into force in case of signing the same Franco-Spanish agreement. In accordance with the Franco-Dutch Union Treaty, its parties undertook not to conclude a separate peace. However, France and Spain could not come to an agreement. As a result of the internal political struggle in the republic, the victory was won by the supporters of the separate peace conclusion. On January 30, 1648 the Peace of Münster was concluded between Spain and the Republic of the United Provinces. On May 15, 1648 the parties exchanged instruments of ratification. At the end of May, 1648 the province of Zeeland agreed to the peace concluded.

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH) ◽  
pp. 63-86
Author(s):  
Beata Gawrońska-Oramus

The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 61 (2013), issue 4. Analysis of the mutual relations between the main intellectual and spiritual authority of the Plato Academy—Marsilio Ficino on the one hand, and Girolamo Savonarola, whose activity was a reaction to the secularization of de Medici times on the other, and a thorough study of their argument that turned into a ruthless struggle, are possible on the basis of selected sources and studies of the subject. The most significant are the following: Savonarola, Prediche e scritti; Guida Spirituale—Vita Christiana; Apologetico: indole e natura dell'arte poetica; De contempt mundi as well as Ficino’s letters and Apologia contra Savonarolam; and also Giovanni Pica della Mirandoli’s De hominis dignitate. The two adversaries’ mutual relations were both surprisingly similar and contradictory. They both came from families of court doctors, which gave them access to broad knowledge of man’s nature that was available to doctors at those times and let them grow up in the circles of sophisticated Renaissance elites. Ficino lived in de Medicis' residences in Florence, and Savonarola in the palace belonging to d’Este family in Ferrara. Ficino eagerly used the benefits of such a situation, whereas Savonarola became an implacable enemy of the oligarchy that limited the citizens’ freedom they had at that time, and a determined supporter of the republic, to whose revival in Florence he contributed a lot. This situated them in opposing political camps. They were similarly educated and had broad intellectual horizons. They left impressive works of literature concerned with the domain of spirituality, philosophy, religion, literature and arts, and their texts contain fewer contradictions than it could be supposed. Being priests, they aimed at defending the Christian religion. Ficino wanted to reconcile the religious doctrine with the world of ancient philosophy and in order to do this he did a formidable work to make a translation of Plato’s works. He wanted to fish souls in the intellectual net of Plato’s philosophy and to convert them. And it is here that they differed from each other. Savonarola’s attitude towards the antiquity was hostile; he struggled for the purity of the Christian doctrine and for the simplicity of its followers’ lives. He called upon people to repent and convert. He first of all noticed an urgent need to deeply reform the Church, which led him to an immediate conflict with Pope Alexander VI Borgia. In accordance with the spirit of the era, he was interested in astrology and prepared accurate horoscopes. Savonarola rejected astrology, and he believed that God, like in the past, sends prophets to the believers. His sermons, which had an immense impact on the listeners, were based on prophetic visions, especially ones concerning the future of Florence, Italy and the Church. His moral authority and his predictions that came true, were one of the reasons why his influence increased so much that after the fall of the House of Medici he could be considered an informal head of the Republic of Florence. It was then that he carried out the strict reforms, whose part were the famous “Bonfires of the Vanities.” Ficino only seemingly passively observed the preacher’s work. Nevertheless, over the years a conflict arose between the two great personalities. It had the character of political struggle. It was accompanied by a rivalry for intellectual and spiritual influence, as well as by a deepening mutual hostility. Ficino expressed it in Apologia contra Savonarolam written soon after Savonarola’s tragic death; the monk was executed according to Alexander VI Borgia’s judgment. The sensible neo-Platonist did not hesitate to thank the Pope for liberating Florence from Savonarola’s influence and he called his opponent a demon and the antichrist deceiving the believers. How deep must the conflict have been since it led Ficino to formulating his thoughts in this way, and how must it have divided Florence's community? The dispute between the leading moralizers of those times must have caused anxiety in their contemporaries. Both the antagonists died within a year, one after the other, and their ideas had impact even long after their deaths, finding their reflection in the next century’s thought and arts. 


Author(s):  
Ahmet Barbak

This chapter investigates the reformation process of public administration in the Republic of Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in 2005. Adopting decentralization as the key solution to conflict, reformation of public administration in Sudan found its impetus after the CPA. International organizations, namely the World Bank, United Nations Development Programme, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the International Monetary Fund, have engaged with Sudan through a variety of structural and sectoral adjustment programs. Drawing heavily on the analysis of related policy documents, this chapter, ultimately, seeks to depict how public administration reforms are identified and structured in conflict-affected contexts, compared to safe and stable conditions. At this point, it can be concluded that Sudan needs to determine its constitutional political identity first for succesful transition to democracy. Sudan seems unlikely to complete reforming its public administration unless it could have resolved issues of democratic transition and poverty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-66
Author(s):  
Ivana Monnard ◽  
Krishnamurthy Sriramesh

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to link public relations to peacebuilding. Although scholarship has discussed public relations as relationship management, the nexus between public relations and peace building has been understudied. To address this deficiency, this research studies the negotiations between the Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP separatist group that lead to the landmark peace treaty between the two entities that had fought for over five decades with thousands of deaths. Three research questions addressed the communication factors that contributed to the two sworn enemies – FARC-EP and the Colombian Government – finally sealing a peace agreement; the specific public relations strategies and techniques that led to relationship building between the two sides leading to the landmark peace agreement; and the use of the indicators of relationship building proposed by scholarship in the negotiations between the Colombian Government and FARC-EP. Design/methodology/approach The case study method was used and a purposive sample of news reports from three national newspapers at specific key dates yielding a final sample consisted of 504 articles was analysed. A codebook with deductive and inductive categories was developed specially to study the existing communication factors (RQ1), public relations strategies and techniques (RQ2), as well as contributions by relationship indicators (RQ3). Given the sensitivity of the issues, only secondary data could be relied upon for this study. Findings The results of RQ1 fall within the scope of Grunig’s (2001), Sriramesh’s (1992) and Hung’s (2001) notion of the personal influence model where the leveraging of individuals’ network is important to facilitate communication. Indeed, the relations already existing and established with third parties are revealed to be fundamental to the success of the negotiation process. As for RQ2, findings demonstrate that the Colombian Government used third-party mediation, principled and distributive strategies, while FARC-EP mainly used contending strategies. But results showed that both used compromising during the whole process, and that both transitioned from one-way asymmetrical strategies, such as principled or contending towards compromising along the peace talks. Finally, findings demonstrate evidence of the four indicators of the relationship and their link with public relations techniques. The most evidenced indicators of the relationship were trust, commitment and control mutuality. Trust was the indicator of the relationship the most evidenced in the Colombian case. The dimension was built during the whole process and evolved continually. Distrust was the total between the two enemies at the beginning of the pre-negotiation. However, as parties entered into a relationship, confidence and trust increased. Research limitations/implications The inability to obtain primary data is the major limitation of this study. It was caused by the sensitivity of the topic. Practical implications This study links public relations to a very practical case that is also vastly understudied/underreported – peacemaking/peacebuilding – while also addressing communication by governments and civil society in Latin America – an area that is largely understudied. Originality/value This is the first study that links public relations with peacebuilding.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.


1957 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles A. Hale

After a border skirmish at the Rio Grande on April 25, 1846, A Mexico and the United States were at war, and within a few months Zachary Taylor’s troops had overrun the north, reaching Monterrey and Saltillo. At the same time an expedition under Winfield Scott landed at Vera Cruz and pushed inward along the ancient road of conquest, reaching the gates of Mexico City by August, 1847. Mexican resistance was heroic and determined in spots, but disorganization and poor leadership played havoc with any attempt at national defense. The capital fell and was occupied by the invaders, the Mexican government fled to Querétaro, and an ignominious peace treaty was negotiated and accepted by the helpless Mexicans, though not without serious opposition from the radical (puro) element which favored a last-ditch resistance. With the rapid subjection of the country and the loss of more than half its territory, the once proud and optimistic nation of Iturbide was left stunned; and it turned to bitter reflection upon its paralyzed condition and its flagrant display of weakness when faced by a small and not too efficient force of invaders.The very independence of Mexico was now threatened. Such an easy victory by a powerful neighbor would mean that Mexico might at any time be absorbed by the United States, especially when there was a movement for that purpose already afoot north of the Rio Grande. The easy optimism of the early days of the republic had now vanished. The shock of military disaster, after the dismal decade of mediocrity and humdrum military revolutions, accentuated a crisis in Mexican thought. Both liberals and conservatives now saw the necessity of imposing radical changes upon the course of independent Mexico. Since the overthrow of the radical Gómez Farias government in 1834, the country had been allowed to drift, and when the Americans invaded, its vigor appeared to be gone. In spite of the presence of a sizable moderate party, the factions became sharply differentiated as they had never been before in the history of the republic, except perhaps for the year 1832. Liberals and conservatives appealed to their traditional programs for solutions to Mexico’s crisis of 1847, and the seeds were sown for a great conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 73-88
Author(s):  
Margit Balogh ◽  

As a result of the intense political struggle after the Second World War, the Catholic Church, led by Cardinal József Mindszenty, Archbishop of Esztergom, remained the only independent institution in Hungary. This study deals with the political process against Mindszenty and his show-trial. On 26 December 1948, Cardinal Mindszenty was taken into police custody, having been accused of treachery, espionage, foreign currency manipulation, and conspiring to overthrow the republic. All of these charges were stereotypical accusations made by totalitarian regimes. There were seven defendants in the Mindszenty case, comprising three groups: “legitimist conspirators”, “traitorous spies”, and the “foreign currency speculators”, who were the alleged fi nanciers of the conspiracy. The world was shocked to hear of the arrest of the Hungarian primate, Cardinal Mindszenty. The Holy See imposed the gravest discipline on Catholics. Mind- szenty was interrogated immediately after his arrest. He initially stood fi rm. The subse- quent interrogation records clearly refl ect, however, the methods of the State Protection Authority: a series of self-accusatory and factitious sentences are to be found in the manipulated texts. This article is based on documents held by the Hungarian National Archives, the Historical Archives of the State Security Services, the Esztergom Primate Archives, the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the National Archi- ves and Records Administration (USA), and others.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh


Author(s):  
О.А. Дженчакова

В статье рассматриваются истоки возникновения вопроса Кабинды как затянувшегося территориального спора между официальными властями Республики Ангола и действующей на территории анклава Кабинда сепаратистски настроенной организацией — Фронта освобождения государства Кабинда, а также ее различными фракциями. Отмечается влияние геополитического фактора и нефтяных запасов на ситуацию в провинции, рассматриваются исторически обусловленные предпосылки и формально-правовые основания возникновения данного спора. Анализируются цели и методы борьбы, применяемые сепаратистами, отмечается их разобщенность, противоречивость действий в отношении правительства в Луанде. Отражены взгляды высшего руководства страны на данную проблему, приведены некоторые меры, принимаемые правительством для урегулирования вопроса. Прослеживается динамика развития ситуации в последние годы, а именно перегруппировка сил сепаратистов, создание ими новой организация — Движение за независимость Кабинды, активисты которой уже включились в политическую борьбу и призывают к самоопределению провинции. В статье делаются некоторые прогнозы относительно развития событий вокруг анклава. The article focuses on the sources of the Cabinda issue as a long-lasting territorial argument between the authorities of the Republic of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave, a pro-separatist organization functioning in the territory of the Cabinda enclave and its fractions. The article highlights the significance of the geopolitical factor and oil reserves and their influence on the situation in the province. It treats historical prerequisites and formal legal basis of the argument. The article analyzes the aim and methods of struggle used by separatists. It underlines the inconsistency of their actions aimed at challenging the government in Luanda. The article describes Angolan authorities’ views on the problem and dwells on some measures taken by the government to regulate the issue. The article assesses the development of the situation throughout recent years. It focuses on the regrouping of the separatist forces, on the creation of a new organization called Independence Movement of Cabinda, whose activists are involved in the political struggle and call for national self-determination. The article makes a few predictions associated with enclave-related developments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arifah Rahmawati ◽  
Dewi H Susilastuti ◽  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Muhadjir Darwin

An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women's wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh's independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens?


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