scholarly journals O poder de barganha político chinês e o reordenamento político e ecônomico global: a macro estratégia e a inversão de habilidades no caso das terras raras

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-325
Author(s):  
Alexandre César Cunha Leite ◽  
Mércia Cristina Gomes de Araújo ◽  
Diego Pautasso
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Action ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
National Economic ◽  
Current Scenario ◽  
Natural Support ◽  
Inductive Character ◽  
Current Leadership

Pretende-se com esse ensaio realizar uma análise do poder de barganha política logrado pela China no contexto de ascensão do seu mercado de commodities, tratando-se de modo particular sobre os Elementos Terras Raras (ETR). Considera-se não apenas a posição de liderança de mercado alcançada, mas também a posição política oriunda da ação econômica alcançada pelo Estado chinês no atual cenário. Trata-se adicionalmente da macroestratégia chinesa que resulta nas escolhas operacionais internas que dão suporte natural a sua economia. Grosso modo, salienta-se a primazia de suas decisões internas, sobretudo no tangente a sua política industrial e desenvolvimento econômico nacional, e argumenta-se que com o monopólio absoluto dos minérios estratégicos a China passou a ser vista no setor como uma eminente ameaça comercial a muitos outros países, desenvolvidos ou em desenvolvimento. Metodologicamente a pesquisa adquire uma roupagem bibliográfica e caráter indutivo. Palavras Chave: Poder de Barganha. Elementos Terras Raras. China.     Abstract: The aim of this essay is to conduct an analysis of the political bargaining power achieved by China in the context of the rise of its commodity market, regarding to Rare Earth Elements (ETRs). It is considered not only the market position achieved in the current leadership but also the political position stemming from economic action on the elements achieved by the Chinese state in the current scenario. It is additionally the Chinese macro strategy that results in the internal operational choices that give natural support to its economy. The primacy of its domestic decisions, particularly in terms of its industrial policy and national economic development, is accentuated, and it is argued that with the absolute monopoly of strategic ores China has come to be seen in the sector as an eminent commercial threat to many other countries, developed or developing. Methodologically the research acquires a bibliographical and inductive character. Keywords: Bargaining power. Elements of Rare Earths. China.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.

scholarly journals Community Detection Problem Based on Polarization Measures: An Application to Twitter: The COVID-19 Case in Spain

Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 443
Author(s):  
Inmaculada Gutiérrez ◽  
Juan Antonio Guevara ◽  
Daniel Gómez ◽  
Javier Castro ◽  
Rosa Espínola
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Community Detection ◽  
Efficient Algorithm ◽  
Fuzzy Measure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Detection Problem ◽  
Additional Information ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Networks Analysis ◽  
Polarization Capacity

In this paper, we address one of the most important topics in the field of Social Networks Analysis: the community detection problem with additional information. That additional information is modeled by a fuzzy measure that represents the risk of polarization. Particularly, we are interested in dealing with the problem of taking into account the polarization of nodes in the community detection problem. Adding this type of information to the community detection problem makes it more realistic, as a community is more likely to be defined if the corresponding elements are willing to maintain a peaceful dialogue. The polarization capacity is modeled by a fuzzy measure based on the JDJpol measure of polarization related to two poles. We also present an efficient algorithm for finding groups whose elements are no polarized. Hereafter, we work in a real case. It is a network obtained from Twitter, concerning the political position against the Spanish government taken by several influential users. We analyze how the partitions obtained change when some additional information related to how polarized that society is, is added to the problem.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

Brytyjska Izba Lordów na przełomie XIX i XX wieku... Ewolucja pozycji w systemie politycznym

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Andrzej Jaeschke
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Position ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Electoral Reforms

The paper concerns the evolution of the political position of the House of Lords until the end of the 19thcentury. The author presents the time of stabilisation of the relations of the two parliamentary chambers andidentifies its causes. He also discusses the increasing disruption of relations between the two chambers ofthe British Parliament following from electoral reforms and, consequently, the decomposition of the hithertounified conservative political environment and the emergence of liberal forces. This resulted in increasinglystrong ideological and political rivalry between the conservative House of Lords and the largely liberal Houseof Commons.

De standenvertegenwoordiging in de Christelijke Volkspartij en de Parti Social Chrétien

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-127
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Political Position ◽  
New Methods ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
General Elections

The in 1945 established Christian Social Party (The Flemish CVP and the French speaking PSC) showed some important differences in comparison with the prewar Catholic Party. The structure of the CVP-PSC was unitary, based upon individual membership instead of the prewar federation of « estates » (standen) . With this unitary structure, the founding fathers of the CVP-PSC tried to avoid the conflicts between the estates, a permanent cause of criticism and disurtity in the Catholic Partyduring the interwar period. In spite of the new organizational structure of the CVP-PSC, new methods of informal recognition of the estates were introduced for the aggregation of their claims and their representation within the party.The way this informal recognition of the estates in the CVP-PSC was solved, is briefly described in the first part of this article. Subsequent to the survey of the evolution of the political position of the estates and their relation to the CVP-PSC, the composition of the lists of candidates in the CVP-PSC for the general elections of 8 november 1981 is discussed.  Special attention is paid to the balancing in number and the ranking ofcandidates from the estates. Finally, the representation of the estates in the parliamentary group of the CVP-PSC is calculated for the general elections of 1974, 1977, 1978 and 1981.

Werkloze jongeren : links, rechts of apathisch? : Een onderzoek naar de invloed van werkloosheid op de politieke en maatschappelijke opvattingen van jongeren

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Learned Helplessness ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Review Of The Literature ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Religious Attitudes ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
Political Apathy ◽  
The Unemployed

Our review of the literature shows that only a minority of youngsters shifts to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Unemployment deepens the political apathy of the majority of the youngsters. Unemployment isolates youngsters, so they cannot develop any involvement in polities. The"learned-helplessness" experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy.In 1985, 536 employed and 220 unemployed were surveyed on their political, socio-economical and religious attitudes, and their voting behaviour. Because the majority of the respondents were militants of the Christian Labour Movement, we expected the unemployed to shift to the left, rather than to become politically apathetic. The results confirm this hypothesis : the unemployed described themselves as "center left", were more radical on socio-economical issues and favored a more leftist vote that the employed. Surprisingly, the unemployed were also more sceptical about religion and more permissive in sexual ethics.

La réforme régionale italienne : Un bilan à l'occasion des élections régionales des 8 et 9 juin 1980

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Italian Regions ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Differences

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.

Polarization and Electoral Incentives: The End of the Chilean Consensus Democracy, 1990–2014

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fábrega ◽  
Jorge González ◽  
Jaime Lindh
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Consensus Democracy ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Spatial Voting ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Political Center

AbstractConsensus democracy among the main Chilean political forces ended abruptly after the 2013 presidential and parliamentary elections, the most polarized elections since the return to democracy in 1990. Relying on spatial voting theory to uncover latent ideological dimensions from survey data between 1990 and 2014, this study finds patterns of gradual polarization starting at least ten years before the collapse of consensus, based on an increasing demobilization of the political center that misaligned politicians from their political platforms (particularly in the center-left parties). That phenomenon changed the political support for the two main political coalitions and the intracoalition bargaining power of their various factions. The pattern also helps to explain the process behind the 2015 reform of the electoral system.

The Political Origins of Professional Identity: Lawyers, Judges, and Prosecutors in Taiwan’s State Transformation

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ching-fang HSU
Keyword(s):  
Professional Identity ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Core Identity ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Party State

AbstractWhere does the legal profession’s identity originate from? How do we explain the intra-professional variations, as multiple legal professions diverge in their political orientations? This paper argues that the legal profession critically develops their core identity resisting incumbent rule when the state undergoes fundamental power reconfiguration. It is their political position as opposed to power in a critical juncture of state transformation that determines the legal profession’s collective ideal of who they are and what actions they take. Drawing on 133 interviews with Taiwanese judges, lawyers, and prosecutors, extensive fieldwork, and archival data up to the 1990s, this paper demonstrates how democratization shapes professional identity. As respective professions experienced different levels and models of authoritarian containment, they took separate trajectories to challenge the Kuomintang’s party-state and pledge to different normative commitments. Taiwanese judges categorically defend judicial independence, lawyers advocate for people’s rights, and prosecutors marshal under justice to check abuse of power.

Friendship, politics, and literature in Catullus: poems 1, 65 and 66, 116

1997 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 482-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Jeffrey Tatum
Keyword(s):  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Other ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin Literature ◽  
Politics And Literature ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Political Stance ◽  
Principal Lines

To the extent that one subscribes to the proposition, by now a virtual principle of criticism (at least in some circles), that literary texts constitute sites for the negotiation, often vigorous, of power relations within a society, the reader of Catullus can hardly avoid some consideration of the poet's attitude toward contemporary political matters. It is a subject on which two principal lines of thought can be traced. Mommsen argued that Catullus responded to the enormities that followed the reinvigoration of the First Triumvirate at the conference of Luca in 56 by occupying a thoroughly optimate position. Wilamowitz, on the other hand, insisted that Catullus' lyrics reflect only moments of the author's individual experience, amongst which expressions of personal distaste for certain public figures naturally appear but nothing which can appropriately be taken as indications of a political stance. The approach of Wilamowitz has proved more influential, followed in spirit if not in specifics by numerous commentators. To the degree that Catullus has been assimilated to the Augustan elegists, whose poems have been deemed by a scholar of the stature of Veyne to be anti-political in nature, it has been all the easier to reject the idea that Catullus adopts a political position, an assessment strongly maintained in a recent study by Paul Allen Miller, for whom the rejection of all political engagement is the sine qua non of true lyric poetry. Mommsen's optimate Catullus has lately found his champion, however, in a careful article by H. P. Syndikus. Although Miller and Syndikus, like Wilamowitz and Mommsen, draw diametrically opposed conclusions concerning politics in Catullus' poetry, they are agreed nevertheless that politics can be regarded as a relatively straightforward term: it refers to statecraft, matters of government, and party strife. Other readers, however, have been more self-conscious in their theoretical concerns, a salutary consequence of which has been a shift by some to a less narrow conception of the field of reference appropriate to discussions of ‘the political’ in Latin literature.

scholarly journals ANALYZING THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF TALIBAN IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE RE-EMERGENCE OF TALIBAN AND FUTURE PROSPECTS FOR NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 92-97
Author(s):  
◽  
Suhrab Ahmad ◽  
Nelofar Ihsan ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Historical Perspective ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Central Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Current Scenario

Afghanistan has been a focal state when it comes to international politics. With the advent of Taliban in Afghanistan, it has become central point of attention. The whole world is oblivious to Taliban’s strategic moves. Therefore, it is imperative to comprehend that Afghanistan's socio-politico circumstances since the very start were dampened by the connectivity issue, which aggravated the political landscape of Afghanistan in order to understand the current scenario. This paper is an attempt to comprehend the current situation through a historical lens of understanding the emergence of Taliban in the first place. This paper shall also identify the historical emergence through chronological order and then shall see Taliban emergence and changing dynamics of neighboring countries. Keywords: Taliban, Perspective, Afghanistan, Strategic view, Neighboring Countries

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document