scholarly journals Gender Based Terrorism and Armed Conflicts in Nigeria: The Chibok Girls’ Abduction and the Changing Narratives in Sambisa Forest

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-296
Author(s):  
Mike State Omilusi

Nigeria has had a chequered history of conflict situations such as civil war, inter and intra ethnic conflicts, religious conflicts among others. Northern Nigeria, in particular, has been greatly threatened by armed conflicts in recent years. Indeed, the remote northeast region is ground zero for many of the world’s most vexing problems, including an Islamic militant insurgency, crippling poverty, and declining development. In 2014, no fewer than 276 schoolgirls were abducted in Borno state by the Boko Haram sect that has ravaged the region since 2009. The audacious kidnapping brought the insurgency to world attention, triggering global outrage that galvanised support from many local and international actors. The girls have become a symbol of Nigeria’s brutal conflict. The failure of Nigeria's former government to act quickly to free the girls sparked a global Bring Back Our Girls movement. While the abduction sparked international outrage in a frantic bid to rescue the girls, some undercurrents were playing out locally that now deserve academic review. This essay is thus, an attempt to further interrogate the nature, nuances, shenanigan, politics and various rescue missions that characterise the Chibok girls’ abduction. It particularly reviews the activities of both local and international dimensions of #Bring Back Our Girls campaign within the socio-cultural and political contexts of the time while putting on spotlight issues of post-trauma facilities expected for the rescued girls and the fate of those still in captivity.     Recebido em: setembro/2018. Aprovado em: setembro/2019.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-85
Author(s):  
Judith A Oloo

Compared to most countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Kenya has, for a long time, enjoyed relative peace. However, this perceived peace has been marked with several incidents of internal clashes exposing women to large-scale gender-based sexual violence. While sexual violence is generally common in peacetime, it is exacerbated in conflict situations such as the post-election violence of 2007–2008 which saw mass incidents of rape and unprecedented killings in Kenya. This happened despite a robust legal framework prohibiting sexual violence. This article shows that the state’s to take cognisance of certain issues uniquely affecting women in Kenya in various aspects and contexts accumulate to disadvantage women, thereby making them more vulnerable. Second, the state’s failure to respond adequately to the unique plight of women during peacetime further exacerbates their suffering during armed conflicts. Thus, in a bid to find a better legal framework to protect women during conflict in Kenya, this article analyses the vulnerability theory of human rights which acknowledges that humans are generally and naturally vulnerable to certain elements. It concludes by stating that only when the vulnerability of women is understood and appreciated, can the law be effectively used to protect women against sexual and gender-based violence in conflict situations, among other hardships that women face, just by virtue of being women. It proposes among others a multidimensional approach including law reform, strict implementation of the existing law, economic inclusion of women and more investment in women as a remedy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eghosa E. Osaghae

The management of ethnic problems has tended to be complicated by the complex ethnic situations which give rise to them. It is known for example that ethnicity rarely exists in a pure form, being usually combined with other conflict-generating cleavages, such as religion, race, class and regionalism, in mutually reinforcing ways. Ethnicity is also situational, fluid and intermittent, while ethnic boundaries are constantly changing. In addition, levels of ethnic consciousness and political mobilisation differ among groups, for reasons of different perceptions of relative privileges or deprivation, history of inter-group relations, effects of state policies or actions, dispositions and strategies adopted by other competing groups, and so on. For these and other reasons, common stimuli like democratisation, economic prosperity or decline, and transformatory social processes, all of which impact on ethnicity, produce different effects on ethnic groups.These differences and complexities have implications for the management of ethnic problems and conflicts. For one thing, ethnic conflicts tend to be intractable, especially where their management does not take full account of their complexity. The temptation to proffer catch-all management formulae, such as federalism, bills of rights, secularity and so on, as if all ethnic conflicts can be dealt with uniformly or in one fell swoop, is the product of the fallacy of oversimplification. It goes without saying that conflict situations must be properly understood for the appropriate ‘therapies’ to be formulated and applied. If this is done, it will be found that more nuanced solutions are required to cope with the demands of the complex situations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 395
Author(s):  
Fathurrahman Muhtar

Abstract: The study has attempted to explain several issues, namely, the causes of religious and ethnic conflicts that occurred in Indonesia, the history of the success of Islam in decreasing conflict by developing tasamuh and various social-religious approaches that can be used as an effort to resolve religious conflicts. This research was library research by interpreting several references for collecting information related to the background of the conflict in Indonesia. The findings showed that There are several pint which worth noting. Firstly, that religious conflict in Indonesia is triggered by social, economic and political problems. Secondly, the presence of religious texts that tends to produce radical meaning, such as the interpretation of jihad and infidels. Thirdly, the existence of religious teaching integration into the culture. This study offers three forms of conflict resolution: The first resolution is that create religion as a form of reconciliation as it was the practice of tasamuh at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. Secondly: develop the theology of religious pluralism. The last is that understand religious reality with a multi-method approach including the history of religion, anthropology, sociology, philosophy and psychology.الملخص: تشرح هذه الدراسة عدة مواضيع هامة بما في ذلك الأسباب المختلفة للصراعات الدينية والعرقية التي حدثت في إندونيسيا. ثانيا: شرح تاريخ نجاح الإسلام في الحد من الصراع بتطوير التسامح الإسلامي. ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎً: ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ - اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﺤﻞ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ. تستخدم هذه الدراسة طريقتان وهما دراسة مكتبية وتاريخية فالأولى تستخدم في بيان شكل عدة الصراعات التي وقعت في إندونيسيا. ودراسة تاريخية تستخدم  لتحليل  معلومات حول خلفية النزاع في إندونيسيا. بعض النتائج التي توصلت إليها هذه الدراسة هي: أولا ، أن الصراع الديني في إندونيسيا ناجم عن مشاكل اجتماعية واقتصادية وسياسية. ثانياً: معنى النصوص الدينية التي تميل إلى أن تكون جذرية ، مثل معنى الجهاد ، ومعنى الكفار وما إلى ذلك. ثالثًا: إضفاء الطابع الرسمي على التعاليم الدينية في الثقافة. ومن أجل التغلب على أنواع الصراعات المختلفة ، يقدم هذا البحث ثلاثة أشكال لحل النزاعات ، وهي أولاً: جعل الدين شكلاً من أشكال السلام ، كما كان ممارسة تساموه في زمن النبي محمد. ثانيًا: تطوير علم اللاهوت للتعددية الدينية. ثالثًا: فهم الواقع الديني بمقاربة متعددة الاتجاهات بما في ذلك تاريخ الدين والأنثروبولوجيا وعلم الاجتماع والفلسفة وعلم النفس.Abstrak: Kajian ini menjelaskan beberapa topik penting di antaranya, yaitu pertama berbagai macam penyebab konflik agama dan etnik yang pernah terjadi di Indonesia.  Kedua, menjelaskan  sejarah keberhasilan Islam dalam meredam konflik dengan mengembangkan tasamuh Islam. Ketiga, berbagai   pendekatan-pendekatan sosial keagamaan yang dapat dijadikan sebagai upaya dalam menyelesaikan konflik agama. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kepustakaan berupa beberapa referensi tentang konflik yang pernah terjadi di Indonesia. Referensi tersebut digunakan untuk menggali informasi tentang latarbelakang terjadinya konflik di Indonesia. Beberapa temuan penelitian ini adalah: pertama, konflik agama di Indonesia disebabkan oleh masalah sosial, ekonomi dan politik.  Kedua: Pemaknaan atas teks-teks  agama yang cenderung radikal, seperti makna jihad, makna kafir dan sebagainya. Ketiga:  formalisasi ajaran agama kedalam budaya.  Maka untuk mengatasi berbagai macam konflik tersebut, penelitian ini menawarkan tiga bentuk penyelesaian konflik, yaitu pertama: menjadikan agama sebagai bina damai, sebagaimana praktek tasamuh pada masa Nabi Muhammad Saw. Kedua: Mengembangkan teologi pluralism agama. Ketiga: Memahami realitas keagamaan dengan pendekatan multimetodik diantaranya sejarah agama, antropologi, sosiologi, filsafat, psikologi.


Author(s):  
Edlyne E. E. Anugwom

The paper examines the nature, operations and driving force behind the Boko Haram insurgence in Nigeria. It argues that while portending Islamic fundamentalist credentials, Boko Haram is also representative of the socio-economic aspirations of most ordinary citizens in the Northeast of Nigeria who are excluded from the socio-economic spheres in modern Nigeria. Boko Haram posits both the irrelevance and decadence of the state and the need for its violent overthrow and establishment of pure Islamic society. It argues that even though Boko Haram cannot be fully explained by socio-economic factors, extant structural and socio-economic conditions in the Northeast produce many frustrated and deprived young people who feed into the fundamentalist aspirations of Boko Haram. Thus, the coincidence between socio-economic conditions in the Northeast which compares unfavorably with other zones in Nigeria; the structural deficiencies of the state and a long history of Islamic fundamentalism creates the conducive atmosphere for violent extremism represented by Boko Haram.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-462
Author(s):  
Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs

Abstract Why are armed conflicts involving warring parties with an Islamist agenda more difficult to resolve through negotiations? In previous research, two main explanations have been put forward; one that highlight the religious element of the parties’ conflict issue and one that emphasis the organizational character of these conflicts, in particular their transnational nature. Yet we still do not know which of these explanations that carry the most explanatory power. The purpose of this article is to test the empirical relevance of these theories through an in-depth study of five negotiation attempts between the government of Nigeria and the group known as Boko Haram during the time period 2011 to 2016. By doing so, this article both addresses one of the key theoretical debates in the scholarly field of religious conflicts and conflict resolution, and presents novel empirical material on a case not well covered in previous negotiation literature.


2019 ◽  
pp. 218-255
Author(s):  
T.Yu. Kobischanov

Quite often in the course of historical events, social and economic changes obscure the changes in cultural psychology of ethnic groups and their representatives. The historical science explains what happened, how and why it was happening but very rarely gives us a chance to understand what people were feeling in this respect, what processes were going on in their individual and common consciousness and in the subconscious. The drama that the Christians of the Middle East are going through, the final act of which we are probably witnessing these days, urges us to look for its roots in the distant past. The Ottoman period in the history of East Christian communities is of particular significance. The Middle East Christians got under the Turkish rule as a discriminated minority pushed out on the curb of sociopolitical life, but by the beginning of the 20th century the Christians of the Middle East as a whole, and Christian communities of Syria and Lebanon in particular, were flourishing and were perfectly well adapted to possibilities that inclusion of the Ottoman state into the world capitalist system had to offer. The upgrade of the Christians status was accompanied by gradual changes in their social psychology including self identification of the members of the Christian communities, remodelling of their behaviour patterns in everyday life and in conflict situations as well as psychology of introconfessional relations. This research is an attempt to describe and analyse this cultural and psychological transformation.Нередко в ходе исторических событий социальноэкономические изменения затмевают изменения в культурной психологии этнических групп и их представителей. Историческая наука объясняет, что произошло, как и почему это происходило, но очень редко дает нам возможность понять, что чувствовали люди в этом отношении, какие процессы происходили в их индивидуальном и общем сознании и в подсознании. Драма, которую переживают христиане Ближнего Востока, заключительный акт которой мы, вероятно, наблюдаем в эти дни, побуждает нас искать ее корни в далеком прошлом. Османский период в истории восточных христианских общин имеет особое значение. Ближневосточные христиане попали под турецкое правление как дискриминируемое меньшинство, вытесненное на обочину общественнополитической жизни, но к началу 20 века христиане Ближнего Востока в целом, и христианские общины Сирии и Ливана в частности, процветали и были прекрасно приспособлены к возможностям, которые могло предложить включение Османского государства в мировую капиталистическую систему. Обновление статуса христиан сопровождалось постепенными изменениями в их социальной психологии, включая самоидентификацию членов христианских общин, перестройку их моделей поведения в повседневной жизни и в конфликтных ситуациях, а также психологию внутриконфессиональных отношений. Это исследование является попыткой описать и проанализировать эту культурную и психологическую трансформацию.


Author(s):  
Kubo Mačák

This chapter analyses the legal qualification of complex conflict situations that feature more than two conflict parties. It examines whether such situations qualify as a single internationalized armed conflict or a number of independent international and non-international armed conflicts. With this in mind, this chapter puts forward a model based on the retention of autonomy of the allied conflict parties. It argues that once the autonomy is foregone and replaced with a single use of force by the parties, the law of international armed conflict applies ‘globally’ to the situation at hand. However, until that moment, the situation should be seen as ‘mixed’; in other words, as a set of mutually independent conflict pairs.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darina Vasileva

The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-411
Author(s):  
Brian C. Lockey

This article considers the writings of Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser within the context of European religious conflicts between Protestants and Catholics, amid the perceived Ottoman threat to Christendom. In their fictional works, these authors imagine an overarching authority that might replace the traditional papal power of oversight and deposing in order to regulate temporal sovereigns and foster a unity of Christian princes within Europe. Even as they can be read as reimagining Christendom, their fictional works reflect what Charles Taylor has called the “disenchantment” of sacred spaces within his philosophical history of the emergence of secularity within European cultures.


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